URBAN PLANNING STUDY FOR TANZANIA IMPACT AND EFFECTIVENESS OF URBAN PLANNING ON CITY SPATIAL DEVELOPMENT. BACKGROUND PROFILE OF CITIES October 2017

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1 URBAN PLANNING STUDY FOR TANZANIA IMPACT AND EFFECTIVENESS OF URBAN PLANNING ON CITY SPATIAL DEVELOPMENT BACKGROUND PROFILE OF CITIES October 2017 Prepared by: Chyi-Yun Huang Dr. Ally Namangaya MaryGrace Weber Isabel D. Cantada

2 TABLE OF CONTENTS BACKGROUND AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS... Error! Bookmark not defined. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY... 3 I. INTRODUCTION II. METHODOLOGY III. DEVELOPMENT CONTEXT POLICY AND INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT IV. STATE OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT AND GROWTH: CASE CITY PROFILES Arusha Dodoma Kigoma Mbeya Mtwara Mwanza Tanga V. KEY FINDINGS REFERENCES Annex 1: Field visit questions Annex 2: Major urban planning legislation Annex 3: City-by-city summary fact sheet

3 Acronyms CBD CC CDA DHS DPS EPM GDP GHG GoT GPS LGA LGRCIS MC MLHHSD NBS NGO OSR PHC PO-RALG ROW SUDP TACINE TANESCO TANROADS TANZAM TAZARA TC TPS TRA TSCP URT WB ZECO Central Business District City Council Capital Development Authority Demographic and Health Survey Detailed Planning Schemes Environmental Planning and Management Gross Domestic Product Greenhouse Gas Government of Tanzania General Planning Schemes Local Government Authority Local Government Revenue Collection Information System Municipal Council Ministry of Lands, Housing and Human Settlements Development National Bureau of Statistics Non-Government Organization Own-Source Revenue Population and Housing Census President s Office Regional Administration and Local Government Right-of-Way Strategic Urban Development Plan Tanzania Cities Network Tanzania Electric Supply Company Limited Tanzania National Roads Agency Tanzania-Zambia Highway Tanzania-Zambia Railway Authority Town Council Town Planning Schemes Tanzania Revenue Authority Tanzania Strategic Cities Project United Republic of Tanzania World Bank Zanzibar Electricity Corporation 2

4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The World Bank is conducting a study to investigate the Impact and Effectiveness of Urban Planning on City Spatial Development in Tanzania Cities (herein after called Study ) in seven selected cities 1 (Arusha, Dodoma, Kigoma, Mbeya, Mtwara, Mwanza and Tanga). The Study seeks to enhance the urban development agenda and inform policies and development strategies of cities in Tanzania through gaining further insights on the urban planning system and development processes and effectiveness of master and detailed urban plans. It also seeks to assess the tools available to urban practitioners for the implementation of adopted plans, while informing policy that might strengthen enforcement mechanisms. The Study is conducted through two main components, the first being this Background Profile of Cities, and the second, an investigation of the urban form and city development of the selected cities based on a set of identified spatial and socioeconomic metrics. This Background Profile of Cities has been prepared as the first component of the Study. It attempts to provide contextual information and descriptions that supplement the spatial development story of these seven cities. While the overall Study focuses on the effectiveness and impacts of master plan implementation and attempts to draw a relation of planning efforts to the evolution of city spatial structure and associated elements, we are cognizant of various external factors at play which would similarly exert impacts. The city profiles hence feature qualitative and empirical descriptions of the cities, including the historical presence or absence of urban plans (General Planning Schemes and/or Detailed Planning Schemes), local urban planning policies, processes and associated broad physical, economic, social and environmental development trends or relevant incidents which had significant influence on urban growth and development. They also touch on these relevant topics: land administration systems, local and regional economic activities, natural and financial resources, civic participation, rural-urban migration, social and cultural habits and norms, local-national political economy and other prevailing governance structures. Development Context Tanzania s urban population overall is growing rapidly. Between 2002 and 2012, an estimated 5.4 million people were added to urban areas with an average growth rate (in Mainland Tanzania) of 5.2 percent. If current trends continue, the urban population will double roughly every 13 years. While all Tanzanian cities and towns have growing populations, some are experiencing net outmigration (yet are still growing due to high natural growth rates). This was the case for three of the seven secondary cities included in our planning study Dodoma, Mtwara and Tanga. The reasons for outmigration are difficult to pin-point; however, interviewees generally attributed this trend to weak economic prospects in the concerned cities over the Census period which was the basis for this analysis. Employment in Tanzania s secondary cities is largely concentrated in agriculture and the informal service industry this includes subsistence farming and gardening, restaurants, hotels, tailoring, 1 Selection of case cities was based on various criteria including population size, history of Master Plan coverage and annual growth rates. 3

5 automobile repair and furniture production, respectively. Jobs are largely concentrated in agriculture, but workers are gradually moving from low productivity jobs in agriculture to low productivity jobs in services. Small enterprises produce only locally traded goods and services, with limited returns to scale. Nevertheless, Mwanza and Arusha, and to a smaller extent Mbeya, have some ongoing industrial activities (NBS, 2009). Urban development in most Tanzanian cities remains monocentric, which has created a host of negative environmental and social externalities. Despite research findings (Bertaud, 2004) illustrating that large cities tend to become less monocentric over time, the situation is slightly different in Tanzania. The volume of jobs and other central functions are still concentrated in CBDs. This trend is no longer uncommon in major cities like Dar es Salaam, but also applies to smaller cities in Arusha, Mwanza, Mbeya and Tanga as this Study shows. However, the consequences of a monocentric growth pattern come with negative externalities. These come in the form of difficulties in accessing inner cities or city centers, traffic and congestion within the CBD, air pollution resulting from GHG emissions of slow moving vehicles, high transport costs for commuters who have to change buses more than once, as well as overcrowding of people and activities within the CBD. These may be attributed to limited mechanisms for development control, outdated and inadequate urban planning standards to guide vertical development, lack of integration of the private sector and their untapped potential to stimulate infrastructure investment thus resulting in the under-utilization of high value land. At the same time, land use transformation is taking place in cities peri-urban areas. Land use patterns in peri-urban areas have emerged sporadically and horizontally, and is characterized by low densities and unplanned and informal plot development (Kombe, 2005). This phenomenon may be explained by informality: unplanned, informal plots are more common in inner and outer ring suburbs than within the urban core, and informal plot sizes tend to be much lower than those of formal plots (World Bank, 2016a). Residents move to the fringe as a result of extenuating social and economic conditions, unregulated land transactions and increased rural-urban migration, as well as the government s inability to cope with rapid urbanization. This phenomenon will be explored further in the spatial analysis component of this Study and we will see a similar trend taking place in cities outside of Dar es Salaam. Levels of access to drinking water, electricity, sanitation and solid waste disposal, as well as to education, health facilities and quality of housing stock vary from city to city. Not only do the quality and coverage of these services vary from city to city, but also against the national average of urban areas in Mainland Tanzania. Understanding the location of households with limited access is critical for planning. Policy and Institutional Context Tanzania has a long history of local government but significant gains in decentralization were only achieved in the last three decades following the country s independence. After the country s independence in 1961, district and urban authorities were abolished in 1972 and 1973, respectively, and replaced by central government rule to ensure a more equitable development of the country. Urban areas were merged with neighboring rural areas, which led to a rapid deterioration of infrastructure and services in urban areas. It was because of a cholera outbreak in 1976 that forced the reinstatement of urban local governments. As a result, local government authority was fully restored in 1982 (PO-RALG, 2000). 4

6 Despite the reinstatement of local government authorities, fiscal decision-making and administration remained with the central government controlled regional administrations until the late 1990s. Urban authorities were not empowered to raise their own revenue, and whatever revenue they were able to collect, they did so as agents of the central government. Reforms aiming at increasing responsibility by local governments were later enacted under the Local Government Reform Program. The decentralization of urban functions including planning, infrastructure and services was accompanied by formula-based intergovernmental transfers and harmonization of tax and revenue guidelines across local governments (PO-RALG, 2000). In terms of planning and land administration, the institutional framework remains highly centralized. In theory, the MLHHSD sets policy, provides technical support to planning authorities, and serves as review and approval body, while the process of making planned land available in urban areas is initiated and authorized by town/municipal/city councils, and the responsibility for implementation and enforcement of planning schemes rests with them as well. In practice, however, the planning process remains relatively centralized, with MLHHSD frequently playing a hands-on role in the development of urban plans. Legislation and practical approaches to urban planning have been used to facilitate the government directive to manage urban growth and control informality and unplanned development. National policy instruments, particularly the Urban Planning Act of 2007 and the Urban Planning and Space Standards and Regulations, are the overarching policies that guide future urban growth and development, and carry out the fundamental principles laid out in the National Land Policy and Human Settlements Development Policy. The government also instituted integrated development planning as well as the designation of regional growth pole centers throughout the country. At the city level, local planning authorities are required to prepare GPS; historically, these were carried out either through traditional master planning (including the preparation of interim land use plans) or strategic urban development planning (also referred to as environmental planning and management). At the neighborhood level, ward officers in consultation with community leaders prepare DPS. Examples of which are central area redevelopment planning or urban renewal schemes, site and services, new area planning, settlement upgrading and regularization in parallel with the issuance of residential licenses, and private sector-led planning. A combination of at least one city from each of the following plan coverage categories is analyzed in this Study: (i) Cities which have most consistently been covered by master plans (i.e., had no, or only short, periods for which no plan existed) include Arusha and Dodoma 2 ; (ii) Cities which were not governed by master plans for the majority of the 1970s and 1980s, but which did adopt plans in the 1990s and 2000s include Mwanza; (iii) Cities which adopted master plans in the 1970s and 1980s, but did not replace (or have not yet replaced) these in later decades include Mbeya and Tanga; and (iv) Cities which have had no master plans since independence include Kigoma and Mtwara. 2 Dodoma had an interim review of its 1976 Master Plan done in 1988, and these two plans continued to be used until its new Master Plan was adopted in Thus, by the 2000s its plans were not as current as plans for Arusha; however, its 1976 Plan and 1988 Review did remain in effect. 5

7 Population Approved Master Plans (X indicates prepared in year; yellow highlighting indicates the decade was at least partially covered by a Master Plan; * indicates plans being drafted) None City (inc. drafts) 1970s 1980s 1990s 2000s 2010s Mwanza X * Arusha X X X * Dodoma X X X Mbeya X X Tanga X X * Kigoma-Ujiji X * Mtwara X * Overall, most cities in Tanzania see extended periods of urban development without a functioning GPS in place to guide future land use development. There are ongoing efforts by the MLHHSD to encourage completion of GPSs for all Tanzanian cities. The MLHHSD has also prepared and approved detailed plot subdivision plans or DPSs for peri-urban and new areas in various cities, as well as regularization schemes and central area redevelopment schemes for existing urban areas. However, the current form of cities in Tanzania is largely the product of growth in the absence of plans and enforcement over decades, and that most cities have developed beyond the purview of existing plans, thus resulting in proliferation of many informal settlements. Widespread absence of master plans could limit effective metropolitan coordination, and the ability to develop strategic sector plans and investment priorities (e.g. in transport, water, sanitation and drainage). Thus, developing the capacity and will for systematic enforcement is critical. Highlights of City Profiles Each of the case cities were examined on six aspects: (a) geography and physical characteristics; (b) demographic and social context; (c) economic conditions and financing; (d) infrastructure and services; (e) environmental conditions; and (f) context of urban planning and related institution and political economy. Looking across the seven case study cities, some notable characteristics specific to each of the cities emerge, and these provide a context relating to their individual urban development: Arusha City is a well-established and connected tourism and regional transit hub for northern Tanzania that offers worldwide attractions. It also enjoys a higher than average adult literacy rate and is attracting various higher learning institutions to the city, which translate to high quality labor and education. Climate is mild with comfortable humidity levels due to its elevation leading to highly productive and fertile land throughout the area. Despite these advantages, long-term impacts of the Ujamaa Village Lands Act prevented most of the city from expanding for a very long time with the primary intention of developing farmlands. But in the same vein, high density development and efficient land use was taking place in the inner city. It was only in 2012 that villages were forced to give up their land to be converted for urban expansion. Despite being the capital city, Dodoma Municipality has experienced inconsistent rates of urbanization over the last three decades. Following the decision to transfer the capital from Dar es Salaam, population rapidly increased. This was followed by a period of a decade or so of slow 6

8 growth since the planned shift was not fully implemented, and the majority of central government ministries remained in Dar es Salaam. Today, the current administration has since renewed its commitment and growth has picked up with more than half of the population classified as urban. All central government functions are expected to have fully migrated to Dodoma by the end of Another notable characteristic is the city s strong, but heavily centralized history in planning. The existence and institutional set up of the Capital Development Authority (CDA) was frequently heralded by planners and other outside observers throughout Tanzania as a major contributing factor to Dodoma s success as a planned city. The perceived lack of political interference given the absence of a council of elected officials to steer the CDA was often perceived as the city s most notable advantage when it came to implementing plans. On the other hand numerous institutional conflict between CDA and other actors in urban development such as the Dodoma Municipal councilors, mayors, and members of parliament had created governance tensions. The sudden dissolution of the CDA in May 2017 thus came as a surprise to many. Kigoma Municipality is one of the least developed areas in the country. Its average per capita per income is estimated to be Tshs 360,000 (approximately USD 160). Large gaps exist in access to improved drinking water, electricity, sewerage and organized refuse disposal or garbage collection. This slow growth may be attributed to the government s effort to manage refugee influx in the 1990s from the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi by designating Kigoma as a buffer area. In terms of planning, Kigoma is known to have a very strong local planning culture. The municipality has not had any approved master plan since the country s independence in However, it is worth noting that the municipality has a road network and urban form that is among the most complete and most orderly we visited. When asked how this was achieved in the absence of a master plan, planning staff noted that demarcations were common in Kigoma. Prior to the revised Urban Planning Act, planners suggested that the profitability of surveying in the absence of planning inspired mass surveying and demarcations of majority of the city. While this resulted in the establishment of a strong road network and generally sufficient way right-ofways, it resulted over time in the ignoring of critical land uses such as industrial lands and open spaces. Mbeya City serves as an interior gateway to neighboring South African landlocked countries, most directly Zambia and Malawi, because of its close proximity and use of the Tanzania-Zambia Highway (TANZAM) and Tanzania-Zambia Railway (TAZARA). This is significant to the city s economy and direction of development, as other countries including Malawi have located some of their industries and facilities in Mbeya City for ease of transport. In terms of land use and planning, Mbeya was designated by the government to be the country s agricultural city and grain basket for the region. The local council, however, interpreted this directive to encourage farming within the city, which resulted in several urban farmlands being undeveloped. Emphasis on efficient land use was ignored and informal settlements proliferated in the inner city. In response, Mbeya was one of the first cities in the country to undertake citywide 7

9 settlement upgrading and site and services programs. The results, however, were not successful but nonetheless was an ambitious attempt to address the proliferation of informal settlements. The Mtwara-Mikindani Municipality had high economic hopes to provide direct employment to local communities following the first commercialization of natural gas in Mnazi Bay in 2006 and the recent discovery of offshore gas off the coast of Southern Tanzania and Mozambique. However, investment prospects weakened following the government s decision in 2013 to pipeline the gas to Dar es Salaam for distribution and energy production, which resulted in considerable social unrest in Mtwara and economic slowdown. Slow growth rates meant less development pressure and less informal development than has occurred in other cities as a result of out-migration. In terms of planning, Mtwara did not have any master plan since the country s independence in Several attempts were made, but these were never formally adopted by the municipality. When asked, planners noted that the 1947 Master Plan continued to be used to guide growth until approximately Interviews also revealed the strong role that the Regional Administrative Secretariat has played in coordinating planning efforts, which is more typically coordinated either by the LGA (municipal or city council) itself or by the MLHHSD. Mwanza is the second largest city in the country after Dar es Salaam. The city is rich in natural resources and has a relatively diverse set of economic activities, which illustrate that there is no single dominant sector or industry. The area is characterized by steep, rock slopes that are unsuitable for development thus giving it the distinctive image of a rock city. However, illegal development is taking place on these slopes, mostly commonly of which are informal settlements. In response, the city is perhaps the country s most committed practitioner of regularization planning. Flagship projects such as the 3,500 Housing Plots Project sought to address the housing deficit as well as prevent the proliferation of informal squatting. Planning staff reported that infrastructure set asides and public spaces are achieved without compensation. Areas which are prioritized for regularization planning are: (i) those that are neither hazard lands nor official way leaves; (ii) areas which are not so densely developed that it will be impossible to achieve space for infrastructure; and (iii) areas where there is the sufficient undeveloped space or wide enough road/walking path networks that every plot will be accessible by road. As of May 2017, a total of 35,000 plots is reported to have been regularized. Tanga City is in a state of revival following the gradual collapse of the sisal industry, which was historically the key economic driver that led to the city s growth. Sisal was introduced in 1893, and Tanga became the world s largest producer and exporter of sisal. Because the industry was labor-intensive, Tanga s growth attracted rapid migration from other regions beginning in the 1960s up until the 1990s. But following the collapse of these industrial activities, the influx of people declined and many workers lost their jobs and livelihoods. Reviving and restructuring the economy remains one of Tanga s most critical challenge to date. Part of the response is through urban planning and land administration; several planning efforts have been carried out with the private sector to survey and develop plots from abandoned or revoked estates, plantations and 8

10 lands classified as general land. This process has eliminated the need for the government to compensate for land intended for public use. 9

11 I. INTRODUCTION Tanzania is urbanizing rapidly and its urban transition is at a critical point. The country s urban population share increased from 5.7 percent to 29.1 percent from 1967 to 2012, and is projected to exceed 50 percent by Cities produced more than half of the country s GDP, and accounted for around 56 percent of its economic growth from 1990 to They also account for the majority of the country s physical, financial, human, academic, and technological capital. However, like many countries in Africa, Tanzania has not fully captured the benefits of urbanization for economies of scale and agglomeration. The current growth of cities in Tanzania is shaped by informality, owing much to lack of resources, but also to ineffective enforcement of development control mechanisms and limited supply of affordable land and housing. Furthermore, most cities have been developing without guiding tools such as master plans or detailed local area plans 4. The urbanization process needs to be better managed so as to improve cities economic efficiencies and livability to allow more inclusive and green growth. Internationally, approaches to planning have evolved in the last two decades from strict master planning to a more participatory, flexible and strategic approach. Outputs of this process extend beyond a physical development plan, and include a set of interrelated strategies that enable public, private and community participation, stimulate local economic growth, provide basic infrastructure services, and enhance the quality of the environment. Master plans and detailed local area plans are intended to provide a blue print for future development, coordinating and guiding land use, density, urban pattern and form of the cities. However, the impacts of these plans and the reality of implementation on the ground are unknown (Scholz et al., 2002). Some studies (Namangaya, 2014) suggest that master plans have been able to influence the alignment of road networks in urban areas, functioning more as structural plans and appearing to have limited impacts on land uses. It has yet to be studied comparatively across cities how effective implementation of plans are in guiding land uses, or in guiding development of strategic nodes or corridors which are critical in determining the long-term physical growth and spatial patterns of cities. In this context, the World Bank is conducting a study to investigate the Impact and Effectiveness of Urban Planning on City Spatial Development in Tanzania Cities (herein after called Study ) in seven selected Tanzania cities 5 (Arusha, Dodoma, Kigoma, Mbeya, Mtwara, Mwanza and Tanga). The Study seeks to enhance the urban development agenda and inform policies and development strategies of cities in Tanzania through gaining further insights on the urban planning system and development processes and effectiveness of master and detailed urban plans. It also seeks to assess the tools available to urban practitioners for the implementation of adopted plans, while informing policy that might strengthen enforcement mechanisms. In the process, the hope is to increase the appreciation of practitioners and 3 Kessides, Christine (2006). The Urban Transition in Sub-Saharan Africa: Implications for Economic Growth and Poverty Reduction. Working paper, Transport and Urban Development Department, World Bank, Washington, DC. 4 In Tanzania, and throughout this paper, local area plans are referred to as either Detailed Planning Schemes (DPS) or Town Planning Schemes (TPS); master plans are in some cases referred to as General Planning Schemes (GPS), as is consistent with Tanzania s urban planning legislation. 5 The cities were selected through a process and three criteria: (i) relatively large populations (preferably > 200,000); (ii) reflect a varied history of Master Plan coverage; and (iii) fall into one of three categories of population growth rates: high growth rates ( population growth >4%); medium growth rates ( population growth >2% but <4%) and low growth rates ( population growth <2%). For details, refer to supplementary note on Selection of Case Cities. 10

12 local authorities on the importance of urban plans for guiding urban growth and mitigating the potential problems and higher costs of retrofitting unplanned development. The Study is conducted through two main components, the first being this Background Profile of Cities, and the second, an investigation of the urban form and city development of the selected cities based on a set of identified spatial and socioeconomic metrics. While the overall Study focuses on the effectiveness and impacts of master plan implementation and attempts to draw a relation to the evolution of city spatial structure and associated elements, we are cognizant of many other important factors at play which would similarly exert impacts. For example, the capacity of land administration systems, local and regional economic activities, natural and financial resources, civic participation, rural-urban migration, social and cultural habits and norms, local-national political economy and other prevailing governance structures. Hence, this Background Profile of Cities has been prepared as the first component of the Study. It attempts to provide contextual information and descriptions of these larger external factors to supplement the spatial development story of these seven cities. The case write-ups feature qualitative and empirical description of these cities, including the historical presence or absence of urban plans (GPS and/or DPS), local urban planning policies, processes and associated broad physical, economic, social and environmental development trends or relevant incidents which had significant influence. They also touch on these relevant topics: land administration systems, local and regional economic activities, natural and financial resources, civic participation, urban-rural migration, social and cultural habits and norms, localnational political economy and other prevailing governance structures. The Profile is organized as follows: Section II details the methodology used to prepare the report. Section III reviews the development context in which urbanization is taking place at varying rates. Section IV provides the policy and institutional context related to the preparation and implementation of urban plans. (This includes the various policies, stakeholders, processes and arrangements involved in the preparation and implementation of urban plans.) It also examines previous urban planning interventions and their key challenges and lessons learned. Section V describes the state of development by cities through 6 aspects: (a) geography and physical characteristics; (b) demographic and social context; (c) economic conditions and financing; (d) infrastructure and services; (e) environmental conditions; and (f) context of urban planning and related institution and political economy. Section VI summarizes the key findings of the Background Profile. II. METHODOLOGY The methodology used for this Background Profile of Cities primarily involved desk research supplemented with substantial field visits and interviews in all seven cities: 11

13 Desk-research and analysis of secondary data were obtained from master plans; government reports; review of relevant policies, guidelines and processes; academic papers and scholarly journals; consultancy reports; and project documents. Field visits to the 7 secondary cities included in this Study were undertaken between April and June 2017, according to the following schedule: Dodoma April 18-20, 2017 Kigoma April 23-26, 2017 Mbeya April 27-May 2, 2017 Mtwara May 9-12, 2017 Tanga May 17-19, 2017 Mwanza May 24-26, 2017 Arusha June 13-15, 2017 In each city, interviews were conducted with the Heads of Planning Departments, Planning staff, economists, project coordinators for the Tanzania Strategic Cities Project 6 (TSCP), staff from the Regional Administrative Secretariat s office (generally the Infrastructure Coordinator), ward and mtaa executive officers, and chairpersons from planned as well as unplanned neighborhoods. Courtesy calls and brief interviews were also organized with the Municipal Directors. In most cities, interviews were carried out with the Directors of the Tanzania Electric Supply Company Limited (TANESCO) and local water utilities, as well as the Chairperson of the local Tanzania Chamber of Commerce, Industry and Agriculture branch. Interviews were done with leaders of the Ports of Kigoma, Mtwara and Tanga; and in one city, an interview was conducted with the Chairperson of the Urban Planning Committee of the city council. A list of field visit questions is provided in Annex 1. III. DEVELOPMENT CONTEXT Urbanization and Demographics Tanzania s urban population is growing rapidly, making it the sixth fastest growing country in Sub- Saharan Africa. According to the 2012 Population and Housing Census, the share of the country s urban population increased from 4.1 percent to 29.1 percent from 1957 to A spurt in urbanization took place between 1967 and 1978 most likely as a result of the country s independence in Many of these areas were reclassified as urban, while Dar es Salaam and several other regional capitals included in this Study also grew quickly. Presently, the urban population of Mainland Tanzania has been growing above 5 percent per annum (See Figure 1), faster than any country in Asia or Latin America. If current trends continue, the urban population will double roughly every 13 years. 6 The Tanzania Strategic Cities Project (or TSCP) is an ongoing World Bank operation that aims to improve the quality of and access to basic urban services in participating Local Government Authorities. TSCP targets the eight large and strategically important cities outside of Dar es Salaam, financing investments in urban infrastructure and institutional strengthening. 12

14 Population Percentage (%) Figure 1: Population growth in Mainland Tanzania; average rate of urban population growth ( ) 35,000,000 30,000,000 25,000,000 20,000,000 15,000,000 10,000,000 5,000, Urban Rural Rate of urban population growth (per annum) Source: 2012 Population and Housing Census and International Growth Centre (2015) Three different perspectives on urban have been adopted in Mainland Tanzania that imply different urbanization levels: (i) a politico-administrative perspective adopted by the President s Office-Regional Administration and Local Government (PO-RALG), which focuses on geographic boundaries of local government authorities and classifies them as cities, municipalities and town councils; (ii) human settlements perspective embraced by the Ministry of Lands and Human Settlements Development (MLHHSD), which defines urban areas based on population size, level of services, economic bases and financial budget; and (iii) a statistical perspective adopted by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), which applies the concept of urban to enumeration areas the smallest statistical unit of analysis on census data. These perspectives do not explicitly account for population density and thus risk estimating different levels of urbanization (Muzzini and Lindeboom, 2008). Rapid urban growth is mainly attributed to natural population growth. Generally, an increase in the urban populations recorded in the census may be attributed to several factors (Wenban-Smith, 2014): More places being recognized as urban; Expansion of the recognized boundaries of urban areas (e.g. following recognition as a CC, MC or TC when outlying parts of the area for which the council is responsible may be classified as urban although still rural in character - but these may later gradually become more urban as the town grows); In-migration from a region s rural areas or from other regions (often leading to informal settlements in or around the town); and Natural population growth within the town boundary. However, it was recorded during the period that 5.4 million people were added to urban areas, of which an estimated three million is attributed to increases in natural population growth the rest being driven by boundary changes and migration. Thus, a large base of city dwellers, many of whom are of childbearing age, demonstrates that majority of Tanzania s urban population growth is now largely a result of natural growth. Considering cities with more than 200,000 inhabitants, natural urban population growth contributes around 70 percent of total urban growth. (World Bank, 2017). 13

15 While all Tanzanian cities and towns have growing populations, some are experiencing net outmigration (yet are still growing due to high natural growth rates). This was the case for two cities included in this Study Mtwara and Tanga (See Figure 2). The reasons for out-migration are difficult to pin-point; however, interviewees generally attributed this trend to weak economic prospects in the concerned cities over the census period which was the basis for this analysis. Figure 2: Decomposing urban change into natural growth and migration ( ) net migration natural growth Case cities (Study) -50% -40% -30% -20% -10% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Lindi Dar es Salaam Geita Kibaha Tunduma Bariadi Bukoba Mafinga Songea Iringa Mbeya Morogoro Zanzibar Kigoma Mwanza Nzega Mpanda Kahama Arusha Handeni Sumbawanga Moshi Makambako Korogwe Dodoma Singida Musoma Shinyanga Mtwara Tabora Njombe Tanga Babati Kasulu 19, ,270 38,210 20,050 14,648 5,821 13,229 3,751 15,312 8,168 21,918 13,573 43,508 9,241 28,241 1,378 2,527 5,500 5,451 (209) (2,873) (2,936) (2,208) (2,161) (19,927) (9,839) (12,921) (17,889) (9,551) (25,780) (16,330) (30,853) (15,155) (50,758) 17, ,474 52,047 27,654 28,809 13,715 32,216 11,506 50,455 31,641 88,275 66, ,563 58, ,102 9,650 30,120 68,514 88,145 22,830 63,004 35,205 24,629 14,679 95,914 39,394 36,018 39,242 20,424 54,343 29,758 55,485 21,717 63,852 Source: Obtained from World Bank (2017) and computed using NBS 2002 and 2012) Marginal decline in national fertility rates observed in the last two decades. General trend data shows that total fertility rate continuously decline from 6.3 percent in the 1990s to 5.4 percent in Roughly between 1990 and 2000, fertility declined by about 8 percent (from 6.3 percent to 5.8 percent). This was followed by a stall in decline between 2000 and 2005 by about 3 percent (from 5.8 percent to 5.6 percent). From 2005 to 2010, there was a further marginal decline by about 3.5 percent (from 5.6 percent to 5.4 percent). Reasons for the marginal decline observed are due to unchanging fertility rate among women in age groups and 25-29; slow pace in uptake of contraception among lower socioeconomic strata; and persistent high fertility rates in the western parts of the country (Agwanda and Amani, 2014). But fertility rates vary substantially between urban and rural areas. Data from the 2010 Demographic and Health Survey revealed that fertility levels in rural areas was roughly 1.6 times that of urban areas: women in urban areas are having an average of 4.1 children compared to their rural counterpart of 6.5 as well as the national average of 5.5. The differences in fertility levels between urban and rural areas are 14

16 due to differences in education and income levels on one hand and the uptake of contraception and level of infant mortality on the other. Further, fertility was observed to be lowest in the eastern zone and highest in the lake region (Agwanda and Amani, 2014). In terms of primary and secondary school attendance, children in urban areas are faring considerably better than their rural peers. According to the 2010 DHS, the national average of children (ages 7-13) attending primary school is around 81 percent, while only a quarter of the youth (ages 14-19) attend secondary school. If these numbers are disaggregated by urban and rural area, children in urban areas (88 percent) are more likely to attend primary school than children in rural areas (79 percent). Similarly, more than twice as many youth go to school in urban areas (45 percent) as compared to rural areas (19 percent). Much more effort needs to be placed on increasing both primary and secondary education especially in rural areas. The country is said to experience an unprecedented youth bulge which presents both opportunities and challenges for a demographic dividend. The 2012 census data reveals a large share of the population between the ages of 15 and 24. When the youth proportion reaches at least 20 percent of the total population or 30 percent of the adult population, the country is said to experience a youth bulge (Agwanda and Amani, 2014). On one hand, studies (Drummon, et al., 2014) indicate that an increase in the share of the working age population increases the labor supply and growth potential, thereby contributing to a demographic dividend. This increase, coupled with declining mortality and fertility rates, causes an increase in output, savings and investment. On the other hand, this presents a challenge for urban areas that could face an increase in demand for housing, infrastructure and services. For African countries including Tanzania to sustainably achieve a demographic dividend, they must create adequately productive and remunerative employment opportunities for their labor force (UNFPA, 2010). Economy and Employment Despite rapid urbanization, more than 70 percent of population still remain rural jobs even in cities are largely concentrated in agriculture, which includes subsistence farming and gardening. From a statistical perspective (NBS, 2014), there has been nearly a threefold increase in rural population not absorbed into urban areas for the same increase in urban population observed in This translates to a large number of rural households who still rely on subsistence agriculture and low productivity jobs. This also holds true in the cities observed in this Study (See Figure 3). For more details about the economic activities of these cities, refer to Section V. 15

17 Figure 3: Percentage of employed population by main industry Tanga Mwanza Mtwara Mbeya Kigoma Dodoma Arusha 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Agriculture, food crops and forestry Fishing, hunting, livestock and other related industries Mining and quarrying Manufacturing Electricity, gas and steam Clean water, sewage and environment services Construction Raw food sales (uncooked food) Trade and commerce Haulage and storage Food, hotel and lodging services Information and communication Financial institution and insurance Source: 2012 PHC Employment in Tanzania s secondary cities is mostly informal. Workers are gradually moving from low productivity jobs in agriculture to low productivity jobs in services. Majority work within the informal services sector, producing only locally traded goods and services with limited returns and economies of scale. Examples of informal services are restaurants, hotels, tailoring, beauty salons, automobile repair and furniture production, among others. This employment structure illustrates that the establishment of larger firms and diversity of services in secondary cities is constrained. Despite this, Mwanza and Arusha, and to a smaller extent Mbeya, have some ongoing industrial activities (NBS, 2009). The household enterprise sector is increasingly seen as an alternative to agriculture as a major livelihood source. The household enterprise sector has a significant role in the Tanzanian economy. Within the non-agriculture sector, its share in the labor force increased to over 50 percent for male and 75 percent for female. In urban areas in 2006, household enterprises employed a larger share of the labor force than wage employment, i.e., 40 percent, the largest category. These are uniquely placed within the informal sector, where it represents both conditions of informal employment and informal enterprise (Kweka and Fox, 2011). Moreover, cities are not specialized and lack concentrated industries. Cities productivity may be assessed using the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI) which provides a quantitative measure of the importance of a particular sector in a region. If a region is completely specialized, the index approaches one; while if no single sector is dominant in a region, the index is closer to zero. Using 2012 census data, calculations reveal that no region or urban area in Tanzania is specialized with HHI indices of less than 0.18 (See Figure 4). Encouraging productive job growth requires addressing backlogs in infrastructure investment, strengthening the business environment, and developing the right mix of skills to maximize the potential benefits of agglomeration (World Bank, 2016a). 16

18 Figure 4: Regional Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI) Dar es Salaam Arusha Manyara Kilimanjaro Shinyanga Singida Mwanza Pwani Mbeya Tabora Mara Katavi Geita Dodoma Simiyu Iringa Kagera Tanga Morogoro Ruvuma Rukwa Kigoma Lindi Njombe Mtwara Urban Form and Spatial Development Source: Tanzania Urbanization Review Team calculations from Employed Population by Main Industry by Region, Census 2012, NBS, 2014 Urban development in most Tanzanian cities remains monocentric. Despite research findings 7 (Bertaud, 2004) showing that large cities tend to become less monocentric over time, the situation is slightly different in Tanzania. The volume of jobs and other central functions are still concentrated in CBDs. In Dar es Salaam, for example, referral hospitals, whole sale shops, ministry offices and major commercial companies are still concentrated in the CBD. This trend is no longer uncommon in other major cities in Tanzania and also applies to cities in Arusha, Mwanza, Mbeya and Tanga (PO-RALG, 2010) as this Study will show. Moreover, city center development is characterized by uncoordinated, plot-by-plot redevelopment of houses with limited consideration for consequent infrastructure and service requirements. Investments are mostly made on an ad hoc basis without adequate resources and proper mechanism for infrastructure upgrading and waste disposal mechanisms and overall maintenance programs (MLHHSD, 2007). The consequences of a monocentric growth pattern come with negative environmental and social externalities. These come in the form of difficulties in accessing inner cities or city centers, traffic and congestion within the CBD, air pollution resulting from GHG emissions of slow moving vehicles, high transport costs for commuters who have to change buses more than once, as well as overcrowding of people and activities within the CBD (PO-RALG, 2010). Reasons for these negative externalities may be attributed to limited mechanisms for development control, outdated and inadequate urban planning standards to guide vertical development, inadequate integration of the private sector which is becoming a key player in housing and inner city redevelopment, untapped potential of the business and commercial sector to stimulate infrastructure investment thus resulting in the under-utilization of high value land (MLHHSD, 2007). 7 It has become obvious over the years that the structure of many cities has departed from the mono-centric model and that many trip-generating activities have spread in clusters over a wide area outside the traditional CBD. As cities grow in size, the original monocentric structure of large metropolises tends with time to dissolve progressively into a polycentric structure. The CBD loses its primacy, and clusters of activities generating trips are spreading within the surrounding built-up area. 17

19 At the same time, land use transformation is taking place on what was once the urban fringe. Land use patterns in peri-urban areas have emerged sporadically and horizontally, and is characterized by low densities and unplanned and informal plot development (Kombe, 2005). For example, an analysis (Owens, 2014) of the change in Dar es Salaam s population density profile over a 24-year period (see Figure 5) illustrates a degree of densification within less than one kilometer of the city center, but more notable densification occurring in the inner ring suburbs located between 5 and 10 kilometers away from city center. Dar es Salaam is also experiencing population growth in areas beyond 10 kilometers of the city center, which had very low populations in the late 1980s. This anomaly may be explained by informality: unplanned, informal plots are more common in inner and outer ring suburbs than within the urban core, and informal plot sizes tend to be much lower than those of formal plots (World Bank, 2016a). This phenomenon will be explored further in the spatial analysis component of this Study and we will see a similar trend taking place in cities outside of Dar es Salaam. Figure 5: Density Profile in Dar es Salaam ( ) Density Profile (1988) Density Profile (2002) Density Profile (2012) Density (people/hectare) Density (people/hectare) Density (people/hectare) Km from CBD Km from CBD Km from CBD Source: Kate Owens calculations based on Census information from 1988, 2002 and 2012 Peri-urban areas are sprawling and poorly connected, resulting in high costs of public infrastructure and services provision and increasing land conflicts due to rural land encroachment. Low-rise development is associated with low population densities, which make the provision of infrastructure including piped water, electricity, sewerage and roads difficult and expensive, as networks must traverse larger distances involving many landowners while reaching fewer households (World Bank, 2016a). It also adds considerably to the costs of services such as education, health and social assistance. Moreover, the spatial expansion of built-up areas and the conversion of prime agricultural lands for residential and industrial purposes have resulted in additional challenges such as: encroachment onto water sources and subsequent pollution of peri-urban areas where urban wastes are deposited, loss of agricultural land, land speculation and other impacts on the farming economy and food security. Meanwhile, land conflicts have been reported in several settlements in Dar es Salaam as a result of urban expansion into villages. Village settlements that have been declared part of urban areas are facing land conflicts that contradict with the designated urban functions (PO-RALG, 2010). State of Infrastructure and Services A key economic growth constraint of secondary cities in Tanzania is the quality and coverage of connective infrastructure. Cities are dependent on rural agrarian communities for food. However, poor linkages make goods more costly and limit growth potential. Rural communities are equally dependent 18

20 on cities for products, equipment, agricultural inputs, petrol, health, and education services. Low- quality regional roads and deteriorated rail networks create a significant drag on trade logistics between cities. According to the Partnerships for Growth diagnostic, almost 76 percent of the rural population lives within two kilometers of an all-weather road. However, in some parts of western Tanzania, residents are more than 10 kilometers from the nearest road, and it takes farmers an average of over two hours to reach the nearest city with a population of over 100,000. Of the roads that exist, only 5 percent are paved and more than half of the total network is in fair or poor condition (World Bank, 2016a). Majority of Tanzania s urban growth has occurred without compatible expansions of service networks. While network coverage varies among and within cities, nominal access to piped water, piped sewerage, solid waste and electricity are generally low across the case cities and compared to the national average of urban areas in Mainland Tanzania (See Figure 5): Access to safe and clean water has actually declined in urban areas over the 25-year period from 1990 to 2015 and is still considered low by Sub-Saharan African standards 8 Tanzania s access to electricity in urban areas ranks among the lowest in the world just between Sierra Leone and Mauritania. Unreliable service with frequent disruptions of power supply is a major hindrance to enterprise development and drives up operational costs (World Bank, 2016a). Solid waste collection rates in the major cities covered by the TSCP were estimated at 28 percent in 2009/10. A contributing factor to this is widespread dumping due to long waits between collection times, as well as lack of equipment, low prioritization, inadequate financial resources, inaccessibility to some of the neighborhoods and the lack of transfer sites. (World Bank, 2016a). Access to formal sewer networks is extremely limited. Majority of households thus rely on on-site sewage disposal methods and unimproved pit latrines which are even more prevalent in unplanned areas (World Bank, 2016a). 8 For more details, refer to: World Bank, Tanzania Country Office, Water Team (2015). Tanzania Policy Note for the New Government No. 2: Water. World Bank. 19

21 Figure 6: Level of basic services in case cities Access to improved drinking water sources, piped water into dwelling and yard/plot (%) Access to electricity as primary source of lighting, TANESCO/ZECO (%) Access to some form of organized garbage collection (%) Access to toilet facility (flush/pour water piped sewer system, septic tank and covered pit, %) Source: 2012 Population and Housing Census Note: There is no 2012 census data available on organized garbage collection or type of refuse disposal in Mwanza City Council which consists of select wards from the Nyamagana and Ilemela Districts. Urban Housing and Land In terms of land and housing ownership, rates of ownership are considerably lower in urban areas compared to the national average. The 2012 PHC estimates (See Table 1) that more than 46 percent of urban households in Tanzania Mainland owned the houses in which they were currently living, while almost 40 percent reported to own land/farm. These are considerably lower than the national averages which includes ownership in rural areas. Table 1: Ownership by land/farm and housing type Of Land/Farm Of House Arusha Dodoma Kigoma Mbeya

22 Mtwara Tanga Average urban areas in Tanzania Mainland Average rural areas in Tanzania Mainland Tanzania Mainland Source: 2012 Population and Housing Census Note: There is no 2012 census data available on housing or land/farm ownership in Mwanza City Council which consists of select wards from the Nyamagana and Ilemela Districts. Rental housing is an important component of the urban housing landscape. The majority of housing in Tanzania is owner-occupied, however renting is more common in urban areas. Rental housing contributes to housing affordability, and it is also serves as an important supplemental income source to homeowners who commonly rent out rooms or separate units in the homes or compounds where they reside (World Bank, 2016a). In terms of quality of housing, the use of permanent, modern construction materials is becoming the norm for urban areas. Permanent construction materials are much more common in urban areas than in rural. For walls and floors, cement is the common building material which reveal permanent housing conditions in urban areas. Baked mud blocks and other similar materials are common in smaller cities and also in cities where sand (an input for cement blocks) is not abundantly available as it is in Dar es Salaam and Mwanza (NBS, 2014). The delivery of formal land has not been able to cope with demand, thus resulting in a parallel informal land transaction system at the mtaa or sub-ward level. For the period , the annual registered demand for formal land was 150,000 plots while the supply was an average of 8,000 surveyed plots per year, which implies that only 5 percent of land in Tanzania is registered (Kironde, 2006). This has led most households, in both high and low income categories, to obtain and build on land through informal means by seeking mtaa officials to authenticate their land transaction agreements. Unregistered land is relatively cheap and there are less hurdles associated with informal plot acquisition and development (Kombe and Kreibich, 2001). The authority of mtaa officials as government representatives offers a degree of protection and presumed credibility to both buyers and sellers. But while land seekers find the informal system to be more responsive to their demands for housing and access to affordable land, mtaa officials nevertheless have limited powers to define or enforce land use regulations. This is a missed opportunity to preserve land for future infrastructure and to guide development in a manner that is consistent with prevailing master or local area plans (World Bank, 2017). Informal lands lead to high degrees of unplanned development. Some observations about unplanned development in urban areas may be characterized in terms of (PO-RALG, 2010): Income: Some unplanned areas can be considered as belonging to both low income and high income households in urban Tanzania; Legality: If an area is occupied without permission from the landowner; 21

23 Density: Many unplanned areas in inner city areas are densely built; however new unplanned areas initially have low densities but eventually densify over time; Location: Those in inner locations tend to be used at high densities compared to those in the periphery. Inner areas are almost mostly occupied by low income households. At times, unplanned areas created by low income households tend to be on marginal lands, such as river valleys and steep slopes. Age: Old areas tend to be used at higher densities compared to new areas; and Status: Some unplanned areas can be regarded as stagnant or declining while others can be regarded as upgrading. Unplanned development results in neighborhoods that are perpetually without basic infrastructure services, without orderly division of land and without sufficient layout of local road networks. In the case of Dar es Salaam, differences between planned and unplanned development are found in the nature of communal living, plot boundaries, residential licenses, access to roads, community spaces, access to water and sanitation, and enforcement of development controls (See Table 2). Table 2: Characteristics of formally planned and unplanned settlements observed in Dar es Salaam FORMALLY PLANNED UNPLANNED (INFORMAL) Tenure security Perceived security of tenure associated with favorable land policies Structural quality of housing Use of permanent and modern building materials (e.g. cement, tiles, baked/burnt bricks, concrete, stone and metal sheets) Communal living Existence of exclusive residential neighborhoods Wide range of social economic groups live side by side Plot boundaries Clearly demarcated and surveyed (i.e., cadastral surveys) Not physically demarcated but known to plot holders and adjoining neighbors and defined by hedges, trees or other artifacts Residential licenses Relatively easy to obtain through Right of Occupancy and Occupancy under Letter of Offer Clearly demarcated and in compliance with design standards 22 May only be obtained once the area is regularized Access to roads Only obtained through social regulation ; internal circulation is poor and dependent on non-standardized and uncoordinated roads and footpaths Community spaces Provided for in the plan Depends on what is stated in the social Access to water and sanitation Varies from one settlement to the other and when provided, it is generally inadequate to meet demand regulation Varies from one settlement to another Development controls Enforceable Preparation of planning layouts is cumbersome and difficult to enforce Source: Source: Derived from Sheuya (2010) and Kironde (1997) Urban Resilience Tanzanian cities are increasingly vulnerable to disasters and climate-related hazards. Official disaster statistics reveal that urban areas have witnessed widespread flooding. Dar es Salaam and Mwanza (the two largest cities) are especially impacted by river floods. Arusha, Mbeya and Mwanza, which have more

24 rugged terrain and steep slopes, are also affected by landslides to a lesser extent. Drought has been reported as a concern in Arusha, Mwanza and Tanga, but few serious impacts have been recorded and drought frequency is rare. Coastal municipalities including Tanga and Kigoma are potentially vulnerable to sea level rise and coastal flooding (World Bank, 2016a). With future projections expected to become increasingly variable 9, climate impacts will likely exacerbate floods and droughts and increase the occurrences of diseases like malaria, which could present an undue economic burden on cities and households. The ability of cities to adapt, mitigate and learn from acute shocks and chronic stresses resulting from climate change is highly critical. Urban Tanzania s climate challenges are largely the result of encroachment and informal settlement development. Encroachment into hazard lands such as river valleys and wetlands is widespread. A recent analysis of a section of the Msimbazi River valley found more than 21,206 buildings, homes and other structures in areas officially declared or appearing to be unsuitable for development. Prospective residents of hazard areas are driven by low land costs: flood-prone lands are less expensive because they are less desirable to those who can afford alternatives. Proximity to job centers is also a factor, as the only cheap and vacant land near to city centers is also hazard land. In Mwanza, informal development is occurring on steep slopes that are at risk for landslides; and in Zanzibar, wetland encroachment has become a widespread problem as residents seek affordable housing opportunities (World Bank, 2016a). Enforcement has been weak to either prevent encroachment into designated no-build areas or to ensure that growth occurs according to those plans that have been adopted. While current master plans and detailed planning schemes are few, there is national-level legislation that prohibits development in road reserves, hazard lands, and other sensitive areas. Legislation is specific: development is prohibited within 60 meters of rivers or shoreline. Subsidiary legislation to the Roads Act designates ROW of up to 30 meters, but not less than 12.5 meters, depending on a road s classification. Municipalities do report having by-laws to prevent informal settlements, as well as enforcement mechanisms including building inspections and penalties for violating land use laws and building codes, etc., however, all cities described major constraints in enforcing plans and regulations. Furthermore, nearly all cities reported political interference as a major issue in enforcing informal settlements and encroachment on hazard lands (World Bank, 2016a). Resettlement associated with encroachment is costly, but necessary to protect ROW and hazard lands. This reality highlights the importance of demarcating no-build areas and adopting strong enforcement mechanisms to prevent encroachment from occurring in the first place. An analysis of resettlement costs associated with urban upgrading projects (largely road works) in Dar es Salaam and 6 of the LGAs participating under the TSCP found that resettlement costs in some cases accounted for almost up to 15 percent of total project costs. These costs, of course, are dependent on the nature of the project and vary from city to city i.e., costs for Dar es Salaam, Arusha and Mwanza were many times greater than the smaller and less built-out cities of Mbeya, Mtwara, Kigoma and Tanga (World Bank, 2016a). Increasing the share of public green spaces can reduce flooding vulnerability. A study (TACINE data) of Dar es Salaam s three municipalities and 5 secondary cities found that, on average, the proportion of urban land that was dedicated to open space was less than 0.5 percent well below the percent 9 See more in the World Bank Climate Change Knowledge Portal 23

25 threshold recommended by planning standards. Of the cities observed that are relevant to this Study, Mwanza had an estimated 1.4 percent; Mbeya with 0.2 percent; Tanga with 0.07 percent and Arusha with 0.01 percent. Increasing the share of green open space in urban areas is critical to addressing flooding vulnerability. For instance, retention ponds are naturally low lying areas that are allowed to flood in during extreme storm events and function as public green spaces during non-storm events. These lessen peak water flows during floods, thereby reducing the risk of inundation and potential consequences to surrounding and downstream communities, as well as potential resettlement costs (World Bank, 2016a). POLICY AND INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT Tanzania has a long history of local government but significant gains in decentralization were only achieved in the last three decades following the country s independence. Tanzania has a two-tier system of government: the central government and local governments. Local governments are either urban authorities (city, municipal and town councils), or rural authorities (district councils). The latter incorporate small towns (township authorities) as well as village councils. After the country s independence in 1961, district and urban authorities were abolished in 1972 and 1973, respectively, and replaced by central government rule to ensure a more equitable development of the country. Urban areas were merged with neighboring rural areas, which led to a rapid deterioration of infrastructure and services in urban areas. It was because of a cholera outbreak in 1976 that forced the reinstatement of urban local governments. As a result, local government authority was fully restored in 1982 (PO-RALG, 2000). Despite the reinstatement of local government authorities, fiscal decision-making and administration remained with the central government controlled regional administrations until the late 1990s. Urban authorities were not empowered to raise their own revenue, and whatever revenue they were able to collect, they did so as agents of the central government. Reforms aiming at increasing responsibility by local governments were later enacted under the Local Government Reform Program. The decentralization of urban functions including planning, infrastructure and services was accompanied by formula-based intergovernmental transfers and harmonization of tax and revenue guidelines across local governments (PO-RALG, 2000). Local Government Financing Inter-governmental transfers constitute a majority of local government collection, which are unevenly distributed across cities. Intergovernmental transfers increased from 79 percent of total LGA revenues in 2001/02 to 93 percent in 2006/07 (Sarzin and Raich, 2012), this trend is likely to continue into the foreseeable future. Tanzania s dependence on transfers is typical in countries with similar income levels and where decentralization was often not accompanied by improved revenue sources and enhanced public sector management systems (Bahl et al., 2013). Uneven distribution of recurrent sector block grants across cities leads to inequity in the delivery of services. Recurrent allocations are determined by the Ministry of Finance on an annual basis based on the share of central government budget allocated to local governments. It constitutes operations and maintenance of public health, primary education, local roads, sewerage systems, department head salaries and health expenditures to cover potential outbreaks of infectious diseases. To demonstrate, the 24

26 average urban LGA per capita transfer for fiscal year 2011/12 (See Figure 7) was approximately TZS54,000 (or USD34). But within urban LGAs, the per capita transfer ranged from approximately USD13 to USD62, reflecting inequity across urban areas. Small cities tend to have higher capita transfers than Dar es Salaam and other medium-sized cities. These inequities have a significant impact on the uneven delivery of services across LGAs (World Bank, 2016a). Figure 7: Recurrent Sector Block Grant Per Capita for Urban Local Governments (2011/12) $70 Recurrent Block Grants per capita (2011/12) $60 $50 $40 $30 $20 $10 $- Mtwara/Mikindani Town Musoma Town Njombe Town Moshi Municipal Bukoba Town Morogoro Municipal Songea Town Iringa Municipal Shinyanga Municipal Mbeya Municipal Tabora Municipal Lindi Town Korogwe Town Babati Town Kibaha Town Tanga Municipal Kigoma/Ujiji Town Mwanza City Small Medium Dar es Salaam Case cities (Study) Mpanda Town Singida Town Arusha Municipal Ilala Municipal Sumbawanga Town Kinondoni Municipal Dodoma Municipal Temeke Municipal Source: Based on PO-RALG Fiscal Database (accessed in January 2015) Another major source of central government transfers are capital grants for the financing of new construction and rehabilitation of infrastructure including education, health, rural water, roads and agricultural extension. Capital grants account for a larger share of revenue in small- and medium-sized cities. This partially reflects the need to equalize transfers across the country, but also implies that smaller cities depend more on variable income as allocations are formula-based. Meanwhile, subventions and baskets are another source of transfers outside the LGA budgeting process that obtain direct funding from individual ministries for specific sectors (World Bank, 2016a). A comparison of intergovernmental transfers across all case cities for FY 2012/13 is presented in the following table. Table 3: Comparison of intergovernmental transfers in terms of cumulative actuals in Tz Shillings per capita for FY 2012/13 Arusha Dodoma Kigoma Mbeya Mtwara Mwanza Tanga Education grant 53, , , , , , , Health grant 14, , , , , , , Other sector 3, , , , , grants General 5, , , , , , , purpose grant Subventions and 2, , , , , , baskets Development grant 13, , , , , , ,

27 Total transfers 92, , , , , , , Source: PO-RALG local government fiscal database However, a profound infrastructure financing gap exists between public resources and financing requirements that cannot be bridged through the exclusive transfer of central government resources. Annual urban infrastructure investment demand in Tanzania is estimated to be more than USD 1 billion over the next 30 years but urban local governments face significant challenges to finance this. In 2014, a reported USD million was spent in infrastructure investments (WB Creditworthiness Academy Self- Assessment, 2014); this implies that infrastructure spending will need to more than triple in order to keep pace with urban growth without even addressing existing backlogs. As it currently is, traditional financing instruments, particularly central government transfers, are unable to meet cities infrastructure investment needs (Sarzin and Raich, 2012). Own source revenue offers a sustainable source of local government financing to bridge the gap between the cost of providing infrastructure and services and intergovernmental transfers. Improvements in own source revenue (OSR) collection have been increasing secondary cities ability to address long-term service delivery demands, accountability, and to optimize the overall revenue base. Principal revenue sources for local governments include city service levy, property tax, billboards, hotel levy and business licenses. Local governments also collect land rent on behalf of the MLHHSD and are entitled to 30 percent of the revenue collected, the remainder is remitted to the MLHHSD (Doherty and McCluskey, 2016). The greatest own source revenue potential is property tax. However, collections have historically been low. Property tax collection is the most difficult revenue source to administer given the data requirements and the complexities around the identification, measurement and valuation of properties together with the difficulties of billing, collecting and enforcing payment (Doherty and McCluskey, 2016). Cities in Tanzania have underperformed in OSR collection 10 largely due to capacity gaps, institutional overlaps, incentives and the lack of an enabling land administration system. Recent efforts in the seven case cities to develop an electronic-based OSR system has delivered positive results. The Local Government Revenue Collection Information System (LGRCIS) has increased OSR (by 60 percent at the start of operations in Arusha) and is being scaled up nationally. This new e-government solution is an area where Tanzania s cities are on the forefront in the region and globally (World Bank, 2016a). Recent policy changes, however, are reducing local governments overall OSR as well as control over local budgets. Property tax has recently been transferred to the central government through the Tanzania Revenue Authority, and it has been announced that service levies will follow suit. At the same time, the remittance of the statutory 30 percent of land rent collections paid to the MLHHSD have reportedly been cut. These policy changes could severely disrupt the land administration, service delivery and accountability role of local governments. It would also claw-back a significant revenue source necessary for cities to sustainably deliver services and be less dependent on central government transfers. The accounting structure of LGAs has also been altered to limit the number of designated accounts an LGA is allowed to have, with the effect that revenue streams which previously flowed directly to urban planning 10 See for a comprehensive evaluation of local government reforms between 1998 and 2008 (Tidemand and Msami, 2010). 26

28 department accounts now flow into LGAs general fund accounts. The advantage is that funds are going directly to projects and are being managed by LGA councils to curb corruption and embezzlement. Key Stakeholders The institutional framework for both planning and land administration is highly centralized at the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Human Settlements Development. In theory, the MLHHSD sets policy, provides technical support to planning authorities, and serves as review and approval body, while the process of making planned land available in urban areas is initiated and authorized by town/municipal/city councils, and the responsibility for implementation and enforcement of planning schemes rests with them as well. In practice, however, the planning process remains relatively centralized, with MLHHSD frequently playing a hands-on role in the development of urban plans. In terms of land administration, the MLHHSD s Commissioner for Lands is responsible for granting the Granted Right of Occupancy (GRO), and for each GRO issues a Certificate of Right of Occupancy (CRO). The GRO is the main form of land holding in mainland Tanzania and is granted by the President for a period of up to 99 years. The GRO is subject to various development conditions and may be revoked when these are not complied with (World Bank, 2017). Urban management is vertically fragmented and lacks coordination a complex relationship exists among multiple governing bodies. Like most other countries in the developing world, central, regional and city-level authorities have a significant yet overlapping influence on various urban functions (See Figure 8). In Tanzania, local authorities are responsible for providing basic infrastructure and services such as local roads, drainage and solid waste management and environmental health within their respective jurisdictions. They are also the legal owners of these assets (World Bank, 2002). However, central ministries are charged with these same responsibilities (Kironde, 2006). For example, the Ministry of Infrastructure Development, through the TANROADS, develops and maintains trunk and regional roads; the remaining network of urban, district and feeder roads is under the responsibility of the PO-RALG and respective local authorities. This vertical fragmentation creates ambiguity, a silo mentality among sectors and ministries also perpetuates institutional fragmentation that work against coordination (World Bank, 2016a). 27

29 City Regional Central Figure 8: Key players in urban management Land Use Planning and Development and Slum Upgrading Services Provision (Water and Sewerage) Environment Ministry of Lands, Housing and Human Settlements Development Ministry of Water; Energy, Water, Utilities Regulatory Authority; National Water Board Vice President s Office-Environment Division; National Environment Management Council; President s Office-Regional Administration and Local Government Regional Commissioner and Secretariat Basin Water Boards; Catchment Committees; Water User Associations or Regional Commissioner and Secretariat Urban Councils Source: Huang (2016) Legislation During the early years of independence, the first set of reforms ( ) followed a socialist ideology aimed at overcoming the negative effects of colonialism by focusing on redistribution and agricultural development. A system was established that strengthened central government control over social and economic resources. The 1973 Rural Land Act and 1975 Ujamaa Village Lands Act supported the development of villages centered on communal agriculture, driving infrastructure investments away from urban areas. As a result, urban LGAs were undermined and were unable to keep pace with rapid population growth and demand for basic services. Informality and haphazard development emerged due to weakened tenure rights and policies that created disincentives for formal development (Owens, 2014). A list of historical and current policies relevant to urban planning and development is summarized in Annex 2. This was followed by another set of reforms ( ) to devolve several urban development functions to LGAs and increase private sector participation. The 2002 Local Government Acts fiscally empowered municipalities to engage in formal development. The Acts increased the role of district/city/municipal authorities in urban development but also limited their capacity to collect own source revenue. The results to date are mixed: on one hand, formal sector participation remains small relative to informal development; on the other hand, the reallocation of centrally held resources led to the redevelopment of city centers and urged for master planning in peri-urban areas at an unprecedented scale. Institutional reforms enabled this development but failed to deliver on equity and efficiency of services across cities (Owens, 2014). 28

30 Meanwhile, legislation specific to urban planning only started developing in the last two decades. Urban planning legislation constitutes a wide range of policies and acts to regulate land ownership and physical development. These include the Human Settlement Development Policy of 2000, Urban Planning Act No. 8 of 2007, Land Act No. 4 of 1999 and Urban Planning Guidelines of 2007 by the MLHHSD (Owens, 2014). Of these, the Urban Planning Act of 2007 and the Urban Planning and Space Standards and Regulations are the overarching policies that guide future urban growth and development, and carry out the fundamental principles laid out in the National Land Policy and Human Settlements Development Policy. Adoption of the 2007 national planning and space standards lowered minimum plot size requirements and introduced differentiated standards by housing typology to foster appropriate density and urban form (World Bank, 2016a). However, analysis of the existing planning framework reveals that there is a missing link that translates national planning to the city level. There is a national land use framework in place but zonal, regional and metropolitan plans are missing (See Figure 9). This exacerbates the issues of sprawl and lack of coordination between trunk infrastructure development and city planning and development. There is no approving authority or guiding framework to guide urban development even though these are critical for integrative thinking in cities. Potentially, the regional and metropolitan administration could play a bigger role in translating the national plans to city level. 29

31 Figure 9: Analysis of existing planning framework and mechanisms Source: World Bank (2016a) This is further challenged by governance structures that divide urban areas. Administrative boundaries oftentimes do not reflect urban agglomerations. For instance, urban areas in Arusha and Mwanza now extend beyond their politico-administrative boundaries. Urban areas overall rely heavily on surrounding rural areas for ecosystem services such as water supply and natural resources such as timber for charcoal production. However, comprehensive planning is lacking and environmental degradation is becoming increasingly acute (World Bank, 2016a). 30

32 Practical Approaches to Urban Planning National Strategies undertaken by the government include integrated development planning and the designation of growth pole centers throughout the country. Integrated development planning is articulated through frameworks such as the National Five Year Development Plan that have been prepared since the 1970s, and seeks to further the urbanization agenda as envisioned in Tanzania s Development Vision The current development plan (2016/ /21) is focused on economic growth and transformation and poverty reduction through industrialization and human development. The main intention for its adoption is to: (i) facilitate mainstreaming poverty reduction into the national development planning agenda; (ii) improve coordination with respect to implementation; (iii) enhance resource mobilization and utilization; (iv) align national priorities with sector strategies through MTEFs and the Strategic Budget Allocation System; and (v) ensure coherence of public expenditure with national priorities (URT, 2016a). Growth pole centers or central places are a system of nodes of various sizes, at differing distances, linked with varying intensities, influencing areas contiguous and between, structuring, focusing and serving their hinterlands, and acting as emergent poles of attraction for the surrounding population. This strategy reached the country in the 1960s and early 1970s, and was adopted in 10 regional centers including Tanga, Arusha, Mwanza, Moshi, Dodoma, Morogoro, Tabora, Mtwara and Iringa (Gould, 1970). The formal adoption of comprehensive master plans and initial development of government-owned industries, national housing estates and the like emerged from these regional centers (Namangaya, 2014). However, investments in these areas resulted in dysfunctional urban centers. Many industries were located in areas with inadequate infrastructure, energy and labor. For instance, tobacco which was mostly grown in Tabora was manufactured in Morogoro; gold which was processed in Iringa came from Shinyanga. There was a lack of integrative planning particularly on the economic and physical aspects, it is a problem that persists to date. At the city level, local planning authorities are required to prepare General Planning Schemes. Its purpose is to coordinate sustainable development of the area to which it relates in order to promote health, safety, good order, amenity, convenience and general welfare of such area as well as efficiency and economy in the process of such development (MLHHSD, 2007). Several forms of GPS include: Traditional master plans and interim land use plans were in practice during the 1960s through the 1990s but was discontinued for some time. It is only recently that cities are returning to the traditional master planning approach. Master plans were conceived as broad land use zoning schemes, it is on the basis of these plans that cadastral surveys of individual plot boundaries are carried out (Musoga, 2011). In the case of Dar es Salaam, traditional master planning has been found to have some influence over the alignment of road networks in urban areas, thus functioning more as structural or network plans (Namangaya, 2014). Interim land use plans, which followed the same traditional practice, were adopted in less developed cities such as in Kigoma where no GPS had been in place (MLHHSD, 2007). 31

33 Strategic urban development plans, also referred to as Environmental Planning and Management (EPM) framework, was a general development planning and management tool adopted in the 1990s. It was piloted in Dar es Salaam under the Sustainable Dar es Salaam Project in 1992 as a response of the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements to the request of the GoT to finance the review of the 1979 Dar es Salaam Master Plan. It was a shift from the earlier blueprint planning approach toward more participatory (Halla and Majani, 1999). The output is not just a physical development plan but a set of interrelated development strategies aimed at enabling public, private and community participation and enhancing the quality of the environment (Hossain et al. 2015). Other cities that followed suit and developed SUDPs were Mwanza, Moshi, Iringa, Mbeya, Morogoro, Tanga and Arusha, as well as smaller cities including Shinyanga, Karatu, Makambako, Songea, Vwawa, Tunduma, Kibaha and Lushoto. However, these were never formally adopted, preparation of SUDPs was contingent upon financing from international organizations and donors (MLHHSD, 2007) and had minimal impacts on future land use. At the neighborhood level, Detailed Planning Schemes are prepared to coordinate all development activities, to control the use and development of land including intensive use of urban land and, in particular, vertical and compact urban development (MLHHSD, 2007). The law allows DPS to be prepared in absence of GPS, which implies that approving authorities of detailed plans are not examining their conformity to respective master plans even when they are there (World Bank, 2016a). Geographic coverage of detailed planning schemes varies from city to city, these are discussed further in the Profiles section. Examples of DPS undertaken by the government are: Central area redevelopment/urban renewal schemes enable land use changes that could support densification efforts in urban core neighborhoods. It gained significance as a result of inherent complexities in the land market, deteriorating housing and infrastructure conditions, increasing land values and competing land uses, particularly in inner urban areas. Development and redevelopment of central areas was uncoordinated and piecemeal (plot-by-plot) with little to no consideration for infrastructure and service requirements such as utilities, solid waste disposal and operations and maintenance. There was also a lack of participatory mechanisms to involve the private sector, which resulted in ad hoc investments and inadequate resources. These development trends were also accompanied by changes in policy, particularly in housing investment, trade liberalization and private sector participation in housing and real estate development. In response, mechanisms for development control and urban planning standards for vertical development were developed, these were intended to increase private sector participation and maximize the business and commercial sectors to stimulate infrastructure development (MLHHSD, 2007). Central area redevelopment planning was successful in: (i) Arusha through its attempt to reposition housing estates as retail projects and private sector driven development cascade in hotels; (ii) Dar es Salaam as a series of high-rise residential developments in the Upanga neighborhood resulting from national power and parastatals leveraging private land ownership; and (iii) Mwanza which led to the construction of multi-story buildings that were largely driven my local market demand (Owens, 2014). 32

34 Site and services refer to the provision of land parcels in a planned neighborhood, along with a basic infrastructure network. The MLHHSD, with assistance from the World Bank, implemented the Sites and Services projects in Dar es Salaam, Mwanza, Mbeya, Morogoro, Tanga, Iringa and Tabora in two phases in the 1970s and 1980s. The development objective was to plan and survey 29,917 new plots and upgrade 23,811 houses by providing in-situ serviced roads, water and schools. Following the success of this, the MLHHSD decided to implement another Sites and Services project in Tegeta and Tabata in Dar es Salaam using its own resources. A total of 5,000 plots were planned and surveyed, with the objective of identifying properties in potential squatter areas and offering residential licenses, as well as providing basic services to existing informal settlements. However, the supply of available land could not keep pace with demand; there was a critical shortage in urban land supply during this time. As a result, very high-density plots (228 m 2 each) that were intended for low-income households, as in the case of Sinza in Dar es Salaam, went to middle to high-income households (Lugoe, 2008). Despite some initial positive results of the Sites and Services approach, several shortfalls observed were displacement of people and their livelihood activities, insufficient government resources to service all settlements, reliance on external or donor funding, limited stakeholder participation, and lack of maintenance and efficient cost recovery mechanisms (MLHHSD, 2007). New area planning such as the 20,000 plots initiative was carried out between 2002 and 2006 in the peri-urban areas of Dar es Salaam through the development of self-satellite towns (as originally envisaged in the 1968 Master Plan). It was understood that the development of satellite towns in the urban fringes would control land speculation and curb corruption prevalent among government land officials. A loan amounting to TZS 8.9 billion was issued in FY2003/04 to finance the identification of project sites, public awareness campaigns, land acquisition, compensation, preparation of settlement schemes, cadastral surveys, allocation and titling. Earnings from the initial sale of surveyed plots would finance subsequent project activities. By 2007, more than 37,650 plots were surveyed also as a result of additional funds received from the private sector (Lugoe, 2008). Although the project delivered more plots than expected, many residents continued to build on and live in unplanned settlements. It was observed that the surveyed plots were located at a distance from any major town. This resulted in high costs on transportation, utilities and service delivery, since key economic activities still remained in the city center of Dar es Salaam. Nevertheless, the project was a significant attempt to address the shortage of surveyed, serviceable land (Hossain and et al., 2015). Settlement upgrading, regularization schemes in parallel with issuance of residential licenses. Mass formalization began in 2004 in cooperation with four local authorities in Dar es Salaam, this was known as the Creation of a Comprehensive Urban Land Property Register for Economic Empowerment of Residents in Unplanned Settlements in Dar es Salaam. The intention was to identify all properties within informal settlements, while at the same time issuing residential licenses and providing basic infrastructure and services (including water, sanitation and housing) as an initial step to the formalization and regularization of property rights. The issuance of residential licenses was intended to control further densification in the project areas and to improve security of land tenure, which was used as collateral for economic empowerment. As a result, more than 200,000 land properties were identified and registered in a GIS database, about 33

35 100,000 property owners obtained property rights by means of Residential Licenses, Letter of Offer or Certificate of Occupancy. Findings revealed that the entire process of eventually obtaining residential licenses led to increased value of land and house, tenure security, active participation among property owners, improved quality of life, improved land administration system, and effective enforcement of development control and management of informal settlement development in urban areas (Kyessi and Tumpale, 2013). Private sector-led planning is a recent approach to planning that is driving a lot of development in cities. Interviews with private landowners reveal that regularization is now being driven by private developers. Communities in informal settlements seek out their assistance to regularize. However, there is no long-term view or vision in the planning process because the law allows communities to prepare DPS without having any GPS in place. As a result, large parcels of land intended for infrastructure investments or industrial development are missing and there are no mechanisms to modify density. Everything is tied to the sale of small plots. It is thus critical for the government to acknowledge the growing role of the private sector and provide support to the private land market process. Other planning tools used to facilitate the government directive to manage urban growth and control informality and unplanned development are demarcations or non-title surveying, participatory planning and land pooling. Demarcations is the practice of non-title surveying, also known as pegging of plot boundaries. It is also commonly practiced in Zimbabwe, which is known to have very few to no spontaneous unplanned settlements. It is undertaken when local authorities intend to lease rather than sell the plots. Simple land ownership certificates are issued to lessees who must pay the associated fees and rents to the local government. Should a lessee wish to purchase the plot, title surveying is undertaken by a qualified surveyor on behalf of the lessee (Kalabamu, 1992). Participatory (or bottom-up ) planning seeks to ensure that citizens at the grassroots level are involved in the planning and implementation of development programs in their local areas. The approach has been widely used in the country to further the local government reform agenda. Planning efforts such as the Opportunities and Obstacles to Development Program (Fjeldstad et. al, 2010) and the Participatory Rural Appraisal tool used in district councils (Cooksey and Kikula, 2005) were adopted in the late 1990s and early 2000s to facilitate effective community participation in villages and mtaas. Both assessments reveal that the impacts of participatory planning are limited. Community plans are commonly seen as wish lists by councils; local priorities are in practice set by the central government. Nevertheless, the bottom-up approach allows for local authorities to influence the location of public projects towards communities of their choice, which may promote geographical equity in service provisions as well as political interests. Land pooling or readjustment offers some promise in that land targeted for investment is first pooled, and redistributed to prevent any one landholder from losing land disproportionately. Individual holdings are consolidated within a portion of the area and offered to existing residents. Though often downsized, the values of the plots or housing that existing residents receive are 34

36 expected to increase, often many-fold, by virtue of the adjacent development taking place (Lindsay, 2012). In the case of Tanzania, land needed for roads is provided by the landholders (Lugoe, 2015). These approaches entail lengthy administrative procedures that limit the supply of available planned land. Once land has been identified as suitable for a planning scheme, the LGA must undergo 15 steps (See Table 4) in order to fulfill land acquisition, planning, survey and plot allocation requirements (Massoi and Norman, 2010). At the minimum, this entire process can take up to two years if there is no physical follow-up. However, in the case of Dar es Salaam, interviews with members of the city council reveal that adherence to the same process means that some 8 years can elapse before land earmarked for a planning scheme can be converted into planned plots for allocation. In the interim, households and developers will have taken steps to obtain land through informal means, thus contributing to a shortage of planned land and creating a vicious circle (Kironde, 2006). Table 4: Local planning process, actors and tier responsibilities Activity Government Entity Duration a Duration b 1 Selects a planning area Notifies affected property owners or occupants 6 months Declares area to be a planning area in consultation with 1 year the MoL LGA Appraises (valuation) existing interests At least 1 1 year Compensates affected property owners or occupants year 1-2 years 2 Prepares a planning scheme LGA 1-2 years 3 Reviews and approves the plan Urban Planning Committee 6 months 4 Receives the layout plan from LGA, scrutinizes and MoL (Human Settlement 6 months approves the plan Development Directorate) 5 Undertakes survey of a proposed site LGA (Surveys Section) 1-2 years 6 Reviews survey work from LGA, approves it and RAS Office (Surveys Section) forwards the same to the MoL 1-9 years 7 Approves LGA survey MoL (Surveys and Mapping Division) 8 Receives and process plot applications LGA (Authorized Land Officer) At least 1 9 Determines the application and suggests to the Commissioner for Lands LGA (Plot Allocation Committee) year 10 Grant Rights of Occupancy by issuing letter of offer to applicants LGA (Authorized Land Officer) 1-6 months 11 Accepts the offer by paying the necessary fees Plot applicants 1 month 12 Prepares certificate of occupancy and forwards it to the LGA (Authorized Land Officer) Commissioner 13 Executes the title and forwards it to the Zonal Registrar MoL (Commissioner) At least 6 At least 1 14 Registers the title and forwards it to Authorized Land Zonal Registrar of Titles months year officer 15 Receives the title and forwards the same to the occupier of a particular piece of land LGA (Authorized Land Officer) Source: Inputs obtained from Massoi and Norman (2010) a and Kironde (2006) b 35

37 IV. STATE OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT AND GROWTH: CASE CITY PROFILES The following case studies provide background context, and describe the state of urban development and growth in Arusha, Dodoma, Kigoma, Mbeya, Mtwara, Mwanza and Tanga. These are examined through: (a) geography and physical characteristics; (b) demographic and social context; (c) economic conditions and financing; (d) infrastructure and services; (e) environmental conditions; and (f) context of urban planning and related institution and political economy. As illustrated in the table below, there is wide variation in the number of master plans adopted by each of the cities, and also wide variation in the time periods that were covered by the master plans. Except for Mtwara Municipal Council, all the case cities had populations greater than 200,000 based on the 2012 Population and Housing Census. A combination of at least one city from each of the following plan coverage categories is analyzed in this Study: Cities which have most consistently been covered by master plans (i.e., had no, or only short, periods for which no plan existed) include Arusha and Dodoma; Cities which were not governed by master plans for the majority of the 1970s and 1980s, but which did adopt plans in the 1990s and 2000s include Mwanza; Cities which adopted master plans in the 1970s and 1980s, but did not replace (or have not yet replaced) these in later decades include Mbeya and Tanga; and Cities which have had no master plans since independence include Kigoma and Mtwara. Table 5: Summary of approved master plans of case cities Approved Master Plans City None (including drafts) 1970s 1980s 1990s 2000s 2010s Mwanza City Council X * Arusha City Council X X X * Dodoma Municipal Council 11 X X X Mbeya City Council X X Tanga City Council X X * Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council X * Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council X Remarks: X indicates plans prepared during decade Yellow highlighting indicates the decade that was at least partially covered by a master plan Bold font indicates cities with 2012 PHC population data greater than 200,000. * indicates plans being drafted or under preparation 11 Dodoma had an interim review of its 1976 Master Plan done in 1988, and these two plans continued to be used until its new Master Plan was adopted in Thus, by the 2000s its plans were not as current as plans for Arusha; however, its 1976 Plan and 1988 Review did remain in effect. 36

38 Arusha Geography and Physical Characteristics Figure 10: Location of Arusha City Arusha City is the regional capital of Arusha and it serves as an important administrative center and gateway for regional and continental activities. Arusha City is located in the northeastern corner of Tanzania, approximately 600km from the largest city in Dar es Salaam. It is a well-established tourism and transit hub for northern Tanzania with worldwide attractions including the Serengeti National Park, the Ngorongoro Conservation Area, Lake Manyara National Park, Olduvai Gorge, Tarangire National Park, Mount Kilimanjaro, and Arusha National Park on Mount Meru. It also serves as the headquarters for the East African Community, International Tribunal Court of Rwanda, African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights and Eastern and Source: Wikipedia Southern Africa Management Institute (Arusha City Council website). Arusha shares a border with Kenya in the north, with the Kilimanjaro and Tanga regions in the east, Dodoma region in the south, and the Singida, Shinyanga and Mara regions in the west making the city an important administrative center for regional and international activities in East Africa. (PO-RALG, 2016a). The city traces its origin to the 1830s when it was first settled by Maasai tribes and established as a local trading center. It was later occupied by German colonialists in 1900 as part of German East Africa. Following Germany s loss of World War I, Arusha became part of the British colony of Tanganyika serving as headquarters for the colonial regional commissioner. Arusha was later declared a Township Authority in 1948 with a population of roughly 5,320 inhabitants. The town grew rapidly and its boundaries expanded several times due to emerging economic, social, political and cultural needs. In 1980, the Arusha town received municipality status. It was officially declared a city in 2012 by the Tanzanian government, at which time its administrative boundary was also expanded to cover an area of 272km 2, nearly three times that of the previous 93km 2 (June interview; Arusha City Council website). The city s draft Master Plan for 2015 covers a joint planning area, which includes the entire Arusha City Council, and parts of Arusha and Meru District Councils, which are witnessing varying urban transformation pressures 12. According to field interviews, the city s boundary was expanded to 12 According to field visit interviews with City planning staff, the use of a joint planning area was a bit contentious following elections and new incoming leadership in Meru and Arusha districts who initially raised doubts about the fairness with which proposed land uses had been allocated, as well as fears that Arusha City Council was positioning itself to expand its administrative boundaries. These concerns later cooled and consensus was achieved across all three districts included in the master plan. 37

39 neighboring areas. The official planning boundary is comprised of 25 wards from Arusha City Council, 9 wards from Arusha District Council and 11 wards from Meru District Council. In all, the planning area is 608 km 2, which is more than twice as large as the administrative area of the city council itself. The gazetted planning boundary takes into account the current development trend in the city and a conscious decision to limit urban sprawl and safeguard the unique biodiversity footprint surrounding the area. Figure 11: Joint planning area & administrative boundaries of Arusha City Arusha has distinct physical, natural features. The city is found on the southern foot of Mount Meru on the eastern edge of the Great Rift Valley at an elevation between 1,160m and Source: Arusha City Council 1,450m above sea level. The slopes are transformed by volcanic activity, which have formed isolated peaks that break up gentle sloping plains. The city is connected to 5 rivers and numerous small streams, which originate from the slope of Mount Meru (Arusha City Council, 2016). The locational advantages of the city are enhanced by its transport infrastructure and connectivity by road, rail and air. Arusha is connected to other large urban centers in Tanzania and Kenya by five important roads: (i) Arusha-Moshi; (ii) Arusha-Namanga; (iii) Arusha-Babati-Dodoma; (iv) Arusha-Babati- Singida; and (v) Arusha-Ngorongoro-Singida. Total length of road network by grade in the City is approximately 245km consisting of 9 trunk roads, 15 regional roads and 170 feeder roads that are passable throughout the year (PO-RALG, 2016a). In terms of railway connection, the region is connected to Dar es Salaam by a single railway line that passes through Moshi. It is currently not functional, but there are ongoing plans to rehabilitate the line. The city is also accessible by air through two airfields: Kilimanjaro International Airport for international and domestic travelers, and Arusha Airport for domestic passengers only. These allow Arusha to be connected to other major cities throughout East Africa making it an important regional and international trading and transport hub for goods and services (Arusha City Council, 2016). Demographic and Social Context The population of Arusha City is growing quickly, but at a slower pace than the national average for all urban areas. The 2012 PHC reported that the city grew from 313,004 inhabitants in 2002 to 416,442 in 2012, which represents a rate of 2.9 percent per annum (as compared to the average urban growth rate in Mainland Tanzania of 5.2 percent). It should be noted that these numbers do not capture the population growth in the metropolitan area following the expansion of Arusha City s planning boundary (particularly the urban and peri-urban population growth that is occurring in Arusha and Meru districts). The estimated population of the planning area according to 2012 census data is 720,035. This includes the population of Arusha City (416,442), 166,925 inhabitants living in the 10 wards in Arusha District and an additional 38

40 136,668 living in the 9 wards in Meru District. The metropolitan population growth rate for is 2.38 percent. The population growth rates used for Arusha District and Meru District are 3.4 percent and 1.8 percent, respectively (Arusha City Council, 2016). An analysis of net migration into and out of the city s municipal boundary found positive in-migration to Arusha City, but at a lesser rate than other Tanzanian cities. In-migration was estimated to explain just 6 percent of the city s population growth (the rest being explained by natural growth). This was substantially less than was experienced in Mbeya, where in-migration accounted for an estimated 20 percent of population growth, and Dar es Salaam which accounted for an estimated 50 percent of in-migration over the same period. (World Bank, 2017). Arusha City enjoys higher than average adult literacy rate and average net enrolment rate in primary school relative to national levels in urban areas. The 2012 PHC reports that the adult literacy rate in Arusha City for individuals 15 years and older is 96.7 percent against the national rate of urban areas in Mainland Tanzania of 92.2 percent. Meanwhile, the net enrolment rate which refers to the number of schoolchildren attending primary school is estimated to be 94.4 percent relative to the national average of 90.5 percent. Economic Conditions and Financing The services sector which includes commerce and trade dominates the city s formal economy. The services sector, specifically wholesale and retail trade, finance, tourism, transport, communications and administration, among others, is the largest GDP contributor in Arusha City. These are mostly found within the city center. Census data estimate that service workers, shop and stall sales workers comprise of more than 24 percent of inhabitants holding occupation. This is followed by crafts and related workers with Figure 12: Distribution of employed population in Arusha City Agriculture, food crops and forestry Fishing, hunting, livestock and other related industries Mining and quarrying Manufacturing Electricity, gas and steam Clean water, sewage and environmental services Construction Raw food sales (uncooked food) Trade and commerce Haulage and storage Food, hotels and lodging services Information and communication Financial institution and insurance Public administration and security services Education services Health and social welfare services Domestic services Other activities not listed 39 Source: PHC (2012)

41 almost 17 percent. Other major economic activities include trading of precious stones, small-scale agriculture, tourism industry and real estate (URT, 2016b). The informal sector makes up 76 percent of Arusha s economy. Large markets with stall owners and street vendors are found throughout the city. In peri-urban areas, these markets play a significant role among local communities for sustained local economy and livelihood. The 7 main market centers are found in the Central area, Kilombero, Sanawari, Soko Mjinga, Soko, Mbauda, Mapunda, Sombetini, Elerai, Matejoo and Kijenge the biggest of these are the Central and Kilombero markets. There are efforts to modernize these market centers through private sector engagement (Arusha City Council, 2016). The industrial base in Arusha is still relatively small and is insufficient to keep pace with its growing population. At present, less than one percent of land is designated as industrial. This refers to existing light and heavy industries, warehouses, logistics and distribution centers. Data compiled by the Regional Commissioners Office in 2014 has a record of 29 manufacturing establishments that provide employment to more than 8,000 people in the city: 14 enterprises in food products, confectioneries and beverages; 7 in textile, foam mattresses and mosquito nets; 6 in engineering, metal, plastics and wood products; and 2 in chemical and pharmaceuticals. In addition, there are about 200 more small scale industries that contribute to the overall regional economy (Arusha City Council, 2016). In terms of local government financing, property tax collection offers the greatest potential; however, weak enforcement hampers this. Arusha City maintains its own sources of local revenue: property tax, service levy, development levy, livestock levy, land rent (30 percent of total collections are statutorily required to be returned by MLHHSD to LGAs), licenses and fees, charges from markets, business permits, market revenues, and taxes on agriculture production. Of these, property tax has the greatest revenue potential. However, weak enforcement hampers this: the in-year collection rate (See Table 6), which refers to the annual debit less amounts collected in a particular year, is considerably less than the percentages shown. By international standards, this figure is low 13. With an annual debit in excess of Tshs 1billion, collection rates of up to 40 percent and low levels of enforcement arrears will continue to accumulate at a considerable rate (McCluskey and Doherty, 2016). Table 6: Arusha City Council Property Tax Collection Rates Financial Year Estimated Revenue (Tshs) Collected (Tshs) Arrears (Tshs) Percent collected (%) 2011/12 950,000, ,860, ,139, /13 1,800,000, ,865,071 1,232,134, /14 2,210,019, ,579,231 1,215,440, /15 1,879,004, ,029,339 1,087,975, /16 1,691,248,462 1,277,800, ,447, TOTAL 8,530,273,443 4,185,134,149 4,345,139, Source: McCluskey and Doherty (2016) OSR collection is further exacerbated with recent policy changes that led to the loss of revenue collection and budgeting control over property tax at the city level. As in other cities, the city staff who 13 Collection levels in developed countries such as the United States, Canada, Australia and the United Kingdom are generally in excess of 90 percent. 40

42 were interviewed noted that the handover of local revenue collection and/or budgeting control to the TRA has been very challenging. The impact of lost property tax revenue was cushioned by increasing emphasis on service levy collection. However, the city received notice that service levy will soon be taken over by the TRA. It is not clear whether collected revenues will be subsequently remitted to the LGAs. Infrastructure and Services Compared to regional and national levels, the majority of households in Arusha City have significantly higher than average nominal physical access and connections to improved drinking water, electricity, toilet facilities and organized garbage collection. The table below provides a summary of the percentage distribution of households with physical and nominal access at the city, regional and national levels. In terms of access to improved drink water sources, over 67 percent of private households surveyed had access to piped water, 33.6 percent piped into their dwelling and 34.2 percent piped into a yard or plot. In terms of access to lighting in the form of electricity as primary source, more than 52 percent had access to lighting through TANESCO or ZECO, electricity providers. In terms of access to toilet facility, almost 48 percent reported of using improved toilet facilities, 8.5 percent of flush/pour water to piped sewer system, 18 percent to septic tank and 18.2 percent to covered pit. In terms of access to some form of organized refuse disposal or garbage collection, an estimated 60 percent of households have their refuse or solid waste collected, 35.9 percent regularly collected and 24.1 irregularly collected (URT, 2016b). Table 7: Percentage distribution of households in Arusha by access to improved drinking water, electricity as primary source of lighting, improved toilet facility and refuse disposal Access to improved drinking water source, piped water into dwelling and yard/plot (%) Access to electricity as primary source of lighting, TANESCO/ZECO (%) Access to toilet facility (flush/pour water piped sewer system, septic tank and covered pit, %) Tanzania (national) Mainland Tanzania (urban) Arusha (regional) Arusha City Access to some form of organized garbage collection (%) Source: PHC (2012) Quality of housing stock utilizes modern construction materials. Household conditions in Arusha City reveal that 97 percent of private households use iron sheets as their main roofing material, more than 77 percent use cement for flooring, and 79 percent use bricks for their walls. Except for the use of bricks as the predominant wall material (90.7 percent), these numbers are higher than the national level (in urban areas in Mainland Tanzania): 91 percent use iron sheets, 74 percent use cement (URT, 2016b). The city has well distributed educational facilities and has been attracting a lot of universities and other higher learning educational institutes. There are around 169 schools throughout the city, 55 are 41

43 preparatory, 61 are primary and 53 are secondary (PO-RALG, 2016a). The city has also been attracting a number of higher learning educational institutes including the African Institute for Science and Technology, Arusha Technical College, Open University of Tanzania, University of Dar es Salaam Computing Centre, Arusha Institute of Accountancy, Arusha University, ESAMI-East, and Southern Africa Management Institute. In terms of health facilities, Arusha City is home to a number of regional and privately owned hospitals, but distribution across the region is uneven. The planning area covers around 6 hospitals, 50 dispensaries and 13 clinics that provide primary healthcare services in the 38 wards. However, most of these health facilities are concentrated within the center, and so distribution is quite uneven. In Arumeru District, for example, some wards have no access to health facilities. It was also learned from the Regional Commissioner s office that the average population in Arusha per doctor has increased from 11,005 in 2007 to 17,467 in 2014 (Arusha City Council, 2016) which makes access to health facilities all the more critical. Environmental Conditions The city enjoys relatively mild temperatures with comfortable humidity levels due to its elevation. Cool dry air is dominant throughout most of the year. Despite Arusha s proximity to the equator, the temperature ranges between 13 and 30 degrees with an average of about 25 degrees. The city has two distinct wet and dry seasons, and experiences an eastern prevailing wind from the Indian Ocean that is several hundred kilometers east of the region. There are two rainy seasons in a year; short rains between October and January and longer rains between March and May. The total annual rainfall ranges between 500mm and 1,200mm with an average of 844mm (Arusha City Council, 2016). The major impacts of climate change in Arusha are severe flooding and landslides. The city is located on the rift valley fringe of the Naura Stream, with large sections found on the bottom of Mount Meru. Although most of the city lies between 1,160m and 1,450m above sea level, the hilly terrain causes high velocities of storm run-off that result in severe soil erosion. This phenomenon is worsened due to uncontrolled urban growth (PO-RALG, 2016a). Arusha lies in a highly seismic zone. Geologic studies reveal that the subsoil in the region consist of mostly volcanic sands that originated from Mount Kilimanjaro (PO-RALG, 2016a). These have good drainage properties associated with the hilly areas within and around Arusha. These are erodible in nature and could result in the formation of gullies during the rainy season. The soils then shrink during the dry season creating cracks in the ground surface of up to 50mm wide and 1.5m deep which hinders large-scale construction and development in the area (Arusha City Council, 2016). Urban Planning Context and Related Institutions and Political Economy Urban Form and Spatial Development The long-term impacts of the Ujamaa Village Lands Act led to high density and efficient land use in the city center, but prevented the rest of Arusha City from expanding for a very long time. The 1975 Ujamaa Village Lands Act supported the development of village lands centered on communal agriculture, which 42

44 led many villages to resist giving up their lands to the government for urban expansion. Because of this, the city did not expand for a very long time. On the contrary, it resulted in high density development and redevelopment and efficient land use within the city center. It was only in 2012 that villages were forced by the government and regional commissioner to give up their land in exchange for forced compensation, which is why many farm lands today are part of the city but have not yet been converted into urban uses. Meanwhile, it is estimated that more than 70 percent of the city s urban built up area is comprised of informal settlements. A sample survey conducted for the Arusha Master Plan estimates that more than 70 percent of residential land is comprised of informal settlements. This could be attributed to rural-urban migration observed across cities and limited capacity of local government authorities in urban planning and development. For example, the expansion of the former Arusha Municipal Council boundary, was motivated by the need to acquire status of city council, hence following political dynamics rather than planning decisions (Arusha City Council, 2016). The joint planning area was also a bit contentious following the elections, but concerns later cooled and consensus was achieved across the three administrative councils. The planning area of Arusha City is separately governed by three administrative councils: Arusha City is managed by the Arusha City Council, while the surrounding Arumeru district is largely rural and is managed by the Arusha and Meru District Council. New leaders from the Meru and Arusha districts initially raised doubts about the fairness with which proposed land uses had been allocated, as well as fears that Arusha City Council was positioning itself to expand its administrative boundaries. These concerns later cooled and there was clear delineation of respective boundaries. However, there is currently no metropolitan authority or similar structure to guide collaborative planning for the entire urban area, which presents a challenge for effective management of development pressures like urban sprawl, congestion and environmental management that are metropolitan-wide in scope. The coordination mechanism for enforcement/implementation is envisioned to be a joint planning committee which would comprise the members of the urban planning committees of each of the three district councils. Review of Previous Master Plans Twenty-year master plans were developed for Arusha City in 1977 and 1985, followed by plans developed exclusively for the city s Central Area Redevelopment in 2001 and Usa River Township in The Arusha 1985 Master Plan was developed to address the rapid urban growth in the city, which the 1977 Plan did not anticipate. Under both plans, a physical framework with policy guidelines for the future development of Arusha was established over a 20-year horizon. Meanwhile, the 2001 Central Area Redevelopment Plan was designed to increase vertical and mixed use developments to meet the rising housing demands within the CBD bounded Moshi-Arusha Nairobi road to the north, New Moshi road to the east, Arusha Moshi railway to the south and Great North road to the west. The 2009 Usa River Township Master Plan aimed to offset the negative impacts that resulted from unguided development by establishing a land use and planning framework that promotes tourism and environmental sustainability (Arusha City Council, 2016). The key features of the previously adopted master plans are summarized in Table 8. Meanwhile, for the past 11 years, the city had been without a comprehensive master plan for the city. 43

45 Table 8: Key Features of Previous Master Plans in Arusha City Central Area Redevelopment Main Objectives Development Strategies Implementation mechanisms Population projections Planning boundary 1. Address rapid urban growth in the city 2. Raise funds to implement 1977 Plan 3. Develop on existing trends of concentric growth model 1. Assign residential densities based on capacity of road, utility services and community facilities 2. Distribute industrial areas close to residential areas to relieve dependency on transportation 3. Concentrate commercial centers and government administrative facilities in central area 4. Create greenbelt reserves 1. Broad Acre Strategy to zone are between urban and rural for residential and agricultural purposes 2. Urban Fuel Afforestation to relocate agricultural land to the outskirts of the city Increase from 135,000 in 1985 to 466,838 by 2005 Expanded from 20km 2 to 92km 2 around the city center 1. Increase vertical development to meet growing housing demand 2. Promote vibrant mixed use in the city center 3. Conserve historical architectural and cultural features 1. Improve land acquisition procedure 2. Establish architectural guidelines 3. Introduce planning standards including site coverage, minimum plot size, plot ratio standards, setbacks and building heights 2009 Usa River Township 1. Offset negative aspects of previously unguided development 2. Accentuate Usa River as a center for both tourism and industrial development 1. Separate land uses 2. Regularize informal settlements 3. Designate areas for special economic zones 4. Create greenbelts around waterways 5. Increase densities near central areas 6. Establish buffer zones for environmentally sensitive areas Sources: Arusha City Council (2016) A new master plan covering the twenty-year period of is reported to be in the final stages of completion and adoption. Arusha has historically used the same 3-5 year strategic plan timeline as is conventional in Tanzania. City staff have acknowledged that urban planning and economic planning have not necessarily informed one another. The city is getting ready to prepare a new plan which will have a twenty-year planning horizon. As of the research team s field visit in June 2017, the draft Arusha Master Plan had already undergone a final stakeholder workshop to collect public input and was expected to be approved and adopted in the coming months. Urban Land Administration Land prices in Arusha are reported to be among the highest in Tanzania, and the city is said to have a more advanced real estate market than elsewhere in the country. City planning staff noted strong opposition to involuntary land acquisition through compensation. 44

46 Average land prices in Arusha follow a predictable pattern - land values are highest within the city proper. According to data provided by the Arusha City Land Valuers, high land prices are observed in: (i) city former colonial areas and city commercial where prices can go as high as Tsh 1,000,000 per sq. m, these are characterized by commercial, institutional and hospitality uses; (ii) CBD fringe areas that are mostly commercial or mixed uses and can go up to Tsh 165,000 per sq. m.; (iii) Themi, Njiro and Levolosi which is mostly residential use supported by commercial activities along major roads and can reach Tsh 70,000 per sq. m; and iv) areas along major roads and with adjacent residential properties behind, these are mostly characterized by commercial, light industrial and mixed uses (Arusha City Council, 2016). Dodoma Geography and Physical Characteristics Figure 13: Location of Dodoma Municipality Dodoma Municipality is centrally located and serves as both national capital and administrative seat for the Dodoma regional government. The city (officially Dodoma Urban District) lies inland and is located in the central part of Tanzania Mainland as shown in Figure 3. The surrounding regions are Manyara, Iringa, Singida and Morogoro. It is accessible from Manyara through Babati and Kateshi in Manyara Region, Dar es Salaam and Pwani through Morogoro and Tabora, and Shinyanga and Mwanza through Manyoni in Singida Region. All the roads are accessible and passable throughout the year. The City of Dodoma was initially founded by German Source: Wikipedia colonists in 1907, during the construction of the central rail line which connects Dodoma to Dar es Salaam to the east and Kigoma to the west. The city was selected to be the national capital from Dar es Salaam to Dodoma following a decision made by the government in The main reason for this transfer was motivated by economic and innovation intentions to establish a regional administrative center for building states and capitalize on the centrality and good accessibility of Dodoma in the national context. Other considerations to move the capital were based on Dodoma s central location, its position in a rural hinterland, its current development needs, its agreeable environment, its existing transport infrastructure and the deficiencies at the time in Dar es Salaam (Capital Development Authority, 1976). This declaration and the recent establishment of large institutions in Dodoma fueled expansion from a small town of about 45,000 people in 1973 to 410,956 people in However, the planned shift was not fully implemented, and the majority of central government ministries remained in Dar es Salaam. The current administration has since renewed the commitment and all central government functions are expected to have fully migrated to Dodoma by the end of 2020 (Capital Development Authority, 2010). The municipality covers an area of approximately 2,769 sq. km, which is significantly larger than the other six case cities included in this study. It is administratively divided into one parliamentary 45

47 constituency consisting of 4 divisions, 41 wards, 18 villages, 170 mtaa and 89 hamlets (Dodoma Municipal Council website). Figure 14: Administrative area of Dodoma Municipality The municipality stands on a broad upland plateau with an altitude ranging between 900m and 1,000m above sea level. Dodoma occupies the northern part of the central plateau of Tanzania. It also forms part of the central plateau of East Africa which extends from Ethiopia in the north and the Transvaal in the south. Its topography is generally flat, but has a small hill chain to the south including the Image, Isanga, Mkalama and Mlimwa. Due to infrequent rainfall in the area, there is mostly scanty vegetation such as shrubs, grasses, as well as baobab and acacia trees (Dodoma Municipal Council website). Over the years, significant improvements have been done to improve road and rail connectivity but conditions and quality remain inadequate. Dodoma has two main transport channels road and rail. It has a total of 1,524.1km of roads, Source: Capital Development Authority 48.6km of which are paved, 191.7km are gravel and 283.8km are earth. Travelers may opt to use the central railway line to connect to Dar es Salaam, Tabora, Morogoro, Mwanza, Kigoma and Mpanda. But overall, the transport network within Dodoma that provides internal access and circulation for both residential communities and industrial areas is critically poor and inadequate for the growing traffic. There is an airport located within the municipality but is only used for light, chartered aircrafts. Construction of a larger airport to accommodate more passengers is underway (Capital Development Authority, 2010). Demographic and Social Context The census data reports a population (2012) of 410,956, while the current master plan reports a population of 414,918. Most of this population (76%) is located within the urban Capital City area and the rest are living in the 35 villages or rural wards scattered around the Capital City District (Capital Development Authority, 2010). Dodoma Municipality has experienced oscillating rates of urbanization over the last three decades. Following the decision to transfer the capital to Dodoma, the population significantly increased from an estimated 45,805 in 1978 to 202,665 in 1988 many of whom were civil servants along with their dependents (Capital Development Authority, 1988). However, the planned shift was not fully implemented, and the majority of central government ministries remained in Dar es Salaam. The population increased to 322,811 in 2002 and then to 410,956 at an annual growth rate of 2.4 percent, which is considerably lower than the average in urban areas of 5.2 percent (URT, 2016c). The current 46

48 administration has since renewed its commitment and all central government functions are expected to have fully migrated to Dodoma by the end of Today, more than half of the population is urban (52%), and when compared to the shares of urban population in Dodoma region (15%) and Tanzania (30%), this figure is significantly higher. The number of inhabitants will continue to substantially increase following the opening of several higher education learning institutions (Capital Development Authority, 2010). Income inequality among different socioeconomic groups in Dodoma is significant. Local government authorities put much emphasis on poverty alleviation by distributing macroeconomic gains down to the community level. However, in the 2007 Household Budget Survey, it was reported that the poverty rate in Dodoma was estimated to be 25 percent while the per capita income is Tshs 407,486 (approximately USD 182) (Dodoma Municipal Council website). Around 44 percent of the population is under 18 years of age, majority of whom attend formal schooling. According to the 2012 PHC, an estimated 180,000 inhabitants are between the ages 0 and 17 (URT, 2016c). In a separate report produced by the Dodoma Municipal Council, around 60 percent attend formal schooling, i.e. 8,377 students in pre-primary school, 76,429 in primary school and 23,231 in secondary school (Dodoma Municipal Council website). Economic Conditions and Financing Dodoma relies heavily on the agricultural sector despite harsh climatic conditions. Around 42 percent (See Figure 15) of households income in the municipality comes from agriculture, food crops and forestry. Economic activities in this sector include: cultivation of horticultural crops such as tomatoes, leafy vegetables, hot peppers and eggplant, grapes, oil seed and other drought tolerant crops (Dodoma Municipal Council website). However, Dodoma sits within an economically depressed region. While its Figure 15: Distribution of employed population in Dodoma Municipality Agriculture, food crops and forestry 47 Fishing, hunting, livestock and other related industries Mining and quarrying Manufacturing Electricity, gas and steam Clean water, sewage and environmental services Construction Raw food sales (uncooked food) Trade and commerce Haulage and storage Food, hotels and lodging services Information and communication Financial institution and insurance Public administration and security services Education services Health and social welfare services Domestic services Source: PHC (2012)

49 land is fertile, Dodoma s harsh semi-arid climate conditions constrain sustainable farming activities, which in Tanzania are still primarily reliant on natural rainfall and limited irrigation (PO-RALG, 2016b). Other income generating activities is mainly through petty businesses. In urban areas, the predominant income generating activities are commerce, urban farming and civil service employment. Approximately 25 percent of households income is found in petty businesses such as retail shops, carpentry and food vending. Other small- and medium-scale industries include consulting and construction work (Capital Development Authority, 2010). An industrial sector in Dodoma is emerging but still lacks investment. There has been no major industrial investment in the area. However, in recent years this trend gradually improved due to the implementation of various government programs such as the National Strategy for Growth and Poverty Reduction (MKUKUTA), District Agricultural Development Plans (DADPs) and Agricultural Sector Development Programme (ASDP), among others. Food shortage reduced tremendously, and the cash crops economy flourished. This resulted in a growing grape and wine production industry along with products such as furniture, honey, wax and herbs. There is also a modern slaughterhouse in the Kizota area which aims to be the leading meat facility in the country and possibly in Africa, as well as concrete and ceramic industries in the Nyankali and Zuzu areas that are produced especially for road and building construction works (PO- RALG, 2016b). Own source revenue collection, particularly in the area of property tax, is still below potential. Dodoma s revenue is derived from central government fiscal transfers and revenue collected from own sources. Over the period 2012/ /15, Dodoma collected an annual average of 58 percent of its budgetary expectations for property tax; however, its performance has shown a downward trend, as demonstrated in the table below. It is estimated that there are some 80,000 properties in the Dodoma Municipal Council area and currently some 5,085 have been valued with 56,619 being charged a flat rate. As with other cities, low collection levels and significant arrears are caused by weak billing and enforcement processes (McCluskey and Doherty, 2016). Table 9: Dodoma Municipal Council Property Tax Collection Rates Financial Year Estimated Revenue (Tshs) Collected (Tshs) Arrears (Tshs) Percent collected (%) 2012/13 500,000, ,691, ,308, /14 520,000, ,694,899 83,305, /15 600,000, ,534, ,465, /16 (as of April) 943,891, ,041, ,849, TOTAL 2,563,891,476 1,490,962,208 1,072,929, Source: McCluskey and Doherty (2016) Infrastructure and Services There is an existing network of water supply connections and sanitation services, however many households are still not connected to these systems. The table below provides a summary of the 2012 census of the percentage of households with physical and nominal access to improved drinking water, electricity, toilet facilities and solid waste disposal. Sanitation is through septic tanks in areas connected 48

50 to water supply, most households use pit latrines to dispose of liquid waste. Around 80 percent of the population is served by piped water and shallow wells. The piped water supply is being served by DUWASA (Dodoma Urban Water supply and Sewerage Authority). Although service levels are higher at the city level compared to the region and country as a whole, more than half of households remain unconnected (URT, 2016c). This is more pronounced in unplanned areas. Observations found on the ground reveal that some houses are not connected to the main sewer and do not have flush toilets with septic tanks, instead they continue to use pit latrines. Table 10: Percentage distribution of households in Dodoma by access to improved drinking water, electricity as primary source of lighting, improved toilet facility and refuse disposal Tanzania (national) Mainland Tanzania (urban) Dodoma (regional) Dodoma Municipality Access to improved drinking water source, piped water into dwelling and yard/plot (%) Access to electricity as primary source of lighting, TANESCO (%) 49 Access to toilet facility (flush/pour water piped sewer system, septic tank and covered pit, %) Access to some form of organized garbage collection (%) Source: PHC (2012) The quality of housing in the Dodoma urban district is reported to be in permanent condition. The dominant materials used in housing construction are iron sheets for roofs, and cement, earth and sand for floors and walls. That is, approximately 85 percent of households use corrugated iron sheets for their roofs; 53 percent and 44 percent use cement and earth/sand for their floors, respectively; and 36 percent use cement bricks for their walls (URT, 2016c). The student and working population in Dodoma is expected to substantially increase following the establishment of several primary and secondary schools as well as higher education learning institutions. There are 264 schools in Dodoma that are government, religious and privately owned. Of these, 102 are pre-primary with 6,693 students; 111 are primary with 76,429 students; 51 are secondary with 23,231 students (Dodoma Municipal Council website). Meanwhile, higher education learning institutions such as colleges and universities include the University of Dodoma, Saint John s University, Loyola University, Institute of Rural Development Planning, College of Business Education and Local Government Training Institute at Hombolo. The student population at the University of Dodoma alone grew from 1,200 students, when it was first established in 2007, to 20,000 students during the 2014/15 academic year. The school is designed to accommodate 40,000 students when it becomes fully operational after 2018 (University of Dodoma website). Overall, these institutions will have a combined student intake of about 150,000 and a 50,000 working population including their families serving as lecturers and administrative officers (Capital Development Authority, 2010).

51 Despite the increased number of health facilities, water-borne diseases are still prevalent in Dodoma. Following the enforcement of national trade liberalization policies, the number of health facilities in Dodoma substantially increased. The Dodoma Municipal Council has a total of 4 hospitals, 13 health centers and 52 dispensaries. However, water-borne and other related diseases are still prevalent. The most frequently occurring diseases are malaria, urinary tract infections, diarrhea, skin infections, pneumonia, intestinal worms, acute respiratory infections, eye diseases and protein energy malnutrition (Dodoma Municipal Council website). Environmental Conditions Climate is mostly semi-arid due to low and erratic rainfall. Dodoma has a dry, savannah type of climate. It is characterized by a long dry season between late April to early December, and a short single wet season between late December and early April. Rainfall is the most significant climatic factor in Dodoma, there is only one season of heavy storms and flash floods. Average rainfall ranges from 550mm to 600mm per annum. In terms of temperature, the minimum average ranges between 10 degrees in July and 20 degrees in November. The month of July is the coldest, while November is the hottest with mid-day temperatures that exceed 30 degrees (PO-RALG, 2016b). Uncertainty regarding future rainfall patterns and river flows impact the city s domestic water supply sector. Water resources are critical to Tanzania s economy, river basins provide drinking water for major urban areas in Tanzania including Dodoma where industrial activity is highest. Urban areas also use groundwater as a supplemental source to meet demand, while adequate water flows support the country s forests, grasslands and coastal areas that are critical in the delivery of services (e.g. for food, fodder, fuelwood, timber and other related products, water purification, climate regulation, cultural and supporting services). In particular, Dodoma sits at the intersection of the Rufiji and Wami-Ruvu basins, which supply water through piped water systems to Dar es Salaam, Morogo, Kibaha and Dodoma. However, various studies 14 (Noel, 2012) predict: (i) increased flows in the Rufiji basin and decreased flow in the Wami-Ruvu basin; (ii) a rise in perennial drainage to a total of 136 percent in central Tanzania by the end of the century; and (iii) national basis stream flows to be between percent of flows and only percent of base period flows by This uncertainty regarding future rainfall patters and river flows, coupled with population pressures and rapid urbanization, will significantly impact planning for adaptation in Dodoma s domestic water supply sector. Urban Planning Context and Related Institutions and Political Economy The decision to move the capital from Dar es Salaam to Dodoma in 1973 were many and complex, but among the most important factors was that the move was expected to generate significant social and economic benefits for the people in the central region of the country, which was in a relatively underdeveloped area characterized by periodic droughts, soil erosion and subsistence farming. Also, the central location and good access in the national context as well as a pleasant climate despite erratic rainfall and unique natural landscape. 14 See Mwandosya et al. (1998), de Wit and Stankiewicz (2006) and Strzpeck and McCluskey (2006) for more details. 50

52 Institutional Setup Dodoma has historically had two governance structures the Capital Development Authority (CDA) and Dodoma Municipal Council however, the CDA was subsequently dissolved by presidential executive decree on May 15th, The Capital Development Authority (CDA) was formed in 1973 when the Local Government System was abolished. It was required to plan and develop the capital, assist in the transfer of various government offices to Dodoma, and acquire and hold land any other immovable property (Mosha, 2004). By the time the Local Government (District Authorities) Act of 1982 and the Local Government (Urban Authorities) Act of 1982 were enacted, powers of the Dodoma Municipal Council (DMC) were reinstated and the Council became responsible for undertaking participatory urban planning and supporting activities for capital city development. Dissolution of the CDA came as a response to do away with the confusion of having two government entities responsible for infrastructure and service provision. In interviews, it was understood by the general public that the current demands of Dodoma no longer needed a CDA. The current President has since ordered the complete transfer of activities and properties to the DMC. Nevertheless, the CDA was a critical institution during the first 44 years of Dodoma's existence as Tanzania s capital city. The institutional setup of Dodoma was non-traditional given the existence of both the CDA and Dodoma Municipal Council. This dual arrangement was frequently heralded by planners and other outside observers throughout Tanzania as a major contributing factor to Dodoma s success as a planned city. The perceived lack of political interference given the absence of a council of elected officials to steer the CDA was often acknowledged as the city s most notable advantage when it came to implementing plans. The sudden dissolution of the CDA thus came as a surprise to many; however, interviews with staff at various levels of government in Dodoma suggested that the administrative arrangement was not without its complications. CDA officials reported that budgets were extremely limited and that the authority received little in the way of allocations from the central government. Dodoma Municipal Council staff reported that the MC was given a seat on the planning committee, the building control committee, and development committees, but that in reality they held limited influence. Municipal Council staff reported that they were responsible for receiving citizen complaints but that they had no power to take action over the vast majority of these, and so simply passed them up to the CDA. The relationship between the public and CDA planners was reportedly quite contentious, at least as reported by the ward and mtaa-level officials interviewed during the team s field visits. It was reported that relations had been severely strained in the past to the point that interviewees reported that residents would even throw stones at CDA officials who visited their neighborhoods. Relations had reportedly improved slightly in recent years; however, interviewees observed that generally, these remained far from either warm or cooperative. A 2014 study by Kiduanga also noted several organizational issues related to the historical institutional setup of Dodoma, many of them related to the findings of the team s field visit: (i) at the grassroots level, there was no strong administrative structures of CDA that allowed people to participate fully in managing land under its responsibility; (ii) the DMC was constrained with inadequate manpower, funds, offices and equipment in land management empowered; and (iii) there was low coordination level between CDA and DMC. 51

53 Other institutions involved in developing the capital city represent various sectoral interests. These are the Tanzania National Roads Agency, President s Office Regional Administration and Local Government, Parliament, Regional Administration, Tanzania Electric Supply Corporation, Dodoma Water Supply Authority and Tanzania Telecommunication Company Limited. Review of Previous Master Plans Dodoma has had a strong, but heavily centralized, history of planning 15. The first master plan for Dodoma was created in 1976 and covered the period of Planners observed that the framework was well established, and that funding for implementation was a priority, immediately following the adoption of the 1976 Master Plan. This was reportedly a time when the director of the CDA, George Kahama, had a close personal relationship with then-president Julius Nyerere. Capital budget requests during the 1970s and early 1980s were reported to have received strong central government support, and these were generally immediately approved and fully funded. It was during this time that the sewerage system was constructed, however planners reported that few mass infrastructure investments have been made since then. According to interviews with municipal officials, the city then updated its master plan in 1988 (although the planned land uses from the 1976 plan remained), and this technically remained in effect until Table 11: Key Features of Previous Master Plans in Dodoma Municipality 1976 Dodoma Master Plan 1988 Structure Plan 2010 Main Objectives Strong vision to develop Dodoma as a national capital city - the administrative, economic and political functions of which would be supplemented by a diversified industrial and commercial base to ensure a variety of employment for its population 1. Continue to develop the national capital city image 2. Update the 1976 Master Plan 3. Extend the central government transfer program to 1992/93 1. Hasten the Capital Transfer Program through appropriate development control policy and PPP system Development Strategies 1. Development of linear urban growth system - a cluster concept of connected communities, each having a population of about 28,000 with community amenities and access to an efficient public transit system that forms a continuous loop 1. New Town concept/structure Plan of a general distribution of land use activities and transport networks proposed series of new towns with an interlinking network of movement corridors passing through important activity and employment centers. 1. Retain basic units of the urban structure proposed in the 1976 Master Plan neighborhoods, districts and mixed use centers but designed to provide public access to green, open space 2. Mono-city and concentrated 15 One study observes that the master plans designed for Dodoma, including the 2010 draft Master Plan, had low levels of citizen participation. (Kiduanga, 2014). Further, mtaa and ward officials who were interviewed during our research team s field visit to Dodoma frequently referenced their plans, maps and drawings (in reference to the CDA), and they noted challenges with regards to awareness of plans, as well as their appropriateness given local context. As one example, one ward official observed that the purposes and allowed uses of D-centers (neighborhood centers) are well known, but that the demand for the designated uses does not exist and they have thus sat vacant for the 40 years since they were initially planned. 52

54 Implementation mechanisms Population projections 2. Coordinated comprehensive regional and national planning - principal towns of the adjacent districts were to be expanded and developed as growth centers 3. Hierarchy of service centers with shopping, places of worship and recreation 4. Establishment of minimum planning standards and plot sizes 5. Public transport based on buses, cycling and pedestrian paths 6. Mixed income residential communities, conforming to Tanzania s policy of socialism and self-reliance. 7. Construction of low-rise buildings 8. A garden city each community was to be circled by a green belt to serve as boundaries between communities also to be used for small scale farming by residents of the area. The capital city was to be surrounded by an aforestation belt of 22,000 hectares. 9. Urban renewal of the old town Series of land use plans which specified development by population stages One of the key factors in the future growth of Dodoma s population was the rate at which civil servants would move from Dar es Salaam. An estimated 12,500 civil servants were expected to move to Dodoma, 5,000 of which would move during These new towns would locate in different valleys that surround the existing town of Dodoma each having a population between 100,000 and 150, All land would be zoned under one of two categories: Capital City District and Urban Area 2. Implementation of lowcost housing programs with sites and services projects Current population during this time was over 106,000. The plan provides for a future population of 500,000 to 600,000 people, but there would be further land available for the development of additional 3. Future expansion in village growth centers 4. Infilling in areas not presently developed, abandoned or otherwise 5. Dodoma Old Town developed as the new CBD 6. Town planning (space standards) regulations and other new city standards enforced 7. Grid system Population by 2030 estimated using three different functions: Linear regression 700,000; Exponential function 1,950,000; Logistics function 2,350,000 to 2,500,000 53

55 Planning boundary the first five years. From 45,000 the population was projected to increase to 170,000 by For the period after 1985, different comparable growth rates (i.e. 6%) were used. Population by 1995 was projected to increase to 407,400 and to 1,306,450 by new towns should the need arise in the future. 6,475 km 2 Same as 1976 master plan 2,769 km 2 Source: Inputs obtained from 1976, 1988 and 2010 master plans and Mosha (2004) When asked for their observations on the degree to which historic plans (master and detailed) have been implemented, planning staff estimated that aside from institutional lands, approximately 80% of the land uses designated in the 1976 Master Plan have been developed in a way that is consistent with their intended use. The intentions for institutional lands were reported to be a greater challenge to achieve due to political pressures. The 1976 Master Plan had set forth the areas which were intended to be developed in the short term, while also designating areas on the urban fringe for future urban expansion ; and town planning schemes were essentially used to unlock these expansion areas for development when the time was considered (by the CDA) to be right. A new master plan covering the period from was locally approved but it has not yet received the required approval from the Prime Minister. This draft master plan was designed by an international consortium of South Korean and CDA experts. Nevertheless, it is currently being used to some degree to guide planning decisions such as the drafting or review of detailed planning schemes; however, planners at the CDA noted that due to the lack of granularity of the planned land use map contained in the draft 2010 master plan, they frequently refer to the land uses designated in the 1976 master plan for clearer guidance. The draft master plan for is under review, and an updated draft which will address the national government s commitment to completing the shift of Tanzania s political capital to Dodoma is anticipated. As was previously noted, under the administration of President Magufuli, the government of Tanzania has re-committed to the plans of the 1970s to shift the political capital from to Dodoma (while Dodoma officially replaced Dar es Salaam as the national capital in 1973, many central government ministries remained in Dar es Salaam). As of July 2017, a number of ministries and other government staff have already shifted, and further moves are anticipating over the coming year. The draft master plan from 2010 did not anticipate this shift, and it has thus been observed that revisions to that plan would be necessary in order to accommodate the dramatic anticipated growth and the changing land use demands. At the time of the field visit, CDA planning staff were anticipating doing this work in-house; however, it is currently unknown how the dissolution of the CDA has affected the planning process. Urban Form and Spatial Development 54

56 Dissolution of the CDA also led to the dissolution of short-term land ownership. In the same executive decree, the President declared that all title deeds whose validity is 33 years be extended to 99 years as is applied in other parts of the country. It was believed that this would boost real estate investment in the area. Development controls are consistently reported by Tanzania s planning professionals to be stronger in Dodoma than in other cities in Tanzania, and this was observed during our team s field visits. Advance demarcation of planned infrastructure (particularly road and transport networks) was reported to be the norm: all of the bus routes which appeared in the 1976 master plan have reportedly been demarcated (albeit not constructed due to insufficient funding). The CDA manages development controls by dividing the city into four building inspection zones. Each zone is assigned to a development controls unit which consists of one building inspector and two land rangers. Their focus was reported to be primarily on surveyed areas. CDA oversight of network extensions by utility authorities (DUWASA and TANESCO) was reported to be quite strong. DUWASA noted that CDA does not allow DUWASA to lay water infrastructure without first consulting them and DUWASA reported to have approved land use maps from CDA. Planners at the CDA and Dodoma MC appeared to have significantly different perspectives on the degree to which actual development conforms to master and detailed plans that may have resulted in rapid unplanned development. CDA staff reported that stop orders are immediately issued for any building which does not have a building permit, and those which are not conforming to plans are subsequently demolished. Dodoma MC staff observed that while development controls are strong, and stop orders/demolitions are common in many areas, informal settlements are prevalent. Dodoma MC staff observed that the population growth rate of Dodoma had been quite low for the first 30 years of its existence as Tanzania s capital city, but that the pace of growth has increased dramatically since approximately The establishment of the University of Dodoma, and the now underway shift of central government functions from Dar es Salaam to Dodoma have reportedly been the major contributors to this growth. There is reportedly now rapid unplanned development occurring throughout the city; both in areas with and without detailed planning schemes. In planned neighborhoods, areas that had been designated as green spaces or urban farms are reported to be the most vulnerable to invasion by unplanned development; and examples of this occurring were abundant. Planners observed that development is becoming more demand driven and that there is growing pressure for greenfield sites (often times far from town) that are more likely to be free of land conflicts; this was observed to be putting pressure on a more leapfrog form of development than was the norm in the past. Nevertheless, detailed planning schemes in Dodoma were reported to be created almost exclusively by the CDA itself, as opposed to private developers as is becoming common in other cities. Kigoma Geography and Physical Characteristics The Kigoma-Ujjiji Municipal Council serves as the administrative capital of the Kigoma region. The Kigoma-Ujiji Municipality is located in the western part of the Kigoma region, in close proximity to a 55

57 number of neighboring countries. The municipality sits on the Rift Valley fringes of Lake Tanganyika. It is subdivided into 19 wards and 68 mtaas and covers a total planning area of 128 sq. km., majority of which is made up land (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council, 2016). Furthermore, it shares international boundaries with Burundi to the northwest and the Democratic Republic of Congo to the west. It is also bordered by the Kigoma District to the north, the Kigoma and Uvinza districts to the south and Kasulu district to the east. Figure 16: Location of Kigoma-Ujiji Municipality Its history can be traced back to the 16th century when Arab slave traders established it as a staging area and collection point before the onward journey to slave markets in Dar es Salaam and Bagamoyo. The town was a result of a unification of two settlements in Kigoma and Source: Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council (2016) Ujiji, both developed independently as fishing centers along the shores of Lake Tanganyika. During the German and British colonial periods, Kigoma-Ujiji became an important administrative defense and commercial center due to its close proximity to the central railroad as being one of the end nodes, and location along Lake Tanganyika (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council, 2016). It was established as a town council in 1962 under the Local Government Authority by the Local Government Act No. 12, then reestablished under the Local Government Act No. 8 of It was granted municipal status in Figure 17: Administrative area of Kigoma-Ujiji Municipality Since its establishment, Kigoma has never had a master plan to guide future development except for an Interim Land Use Plan ( ). It was used as a basic tool in coordinating and guiding spatial growth, and it was reportedly used for longer than its 10-year statutory period. The plan did not cover the entire municipal area, but it did cover the area which was developed at that time. The municipality anticipates rapid growth over the next twenty years, and there is economic potential to make Kigoma a trading and transport hub for Northwest Tanzania given its location and proximity to neighboring districts and countries. It is for this reason that the municipality needs to have a master plan to guide its growth and development. The city s landscape is characterized by hills, valleys Source: Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council (2016) and mountains and three main rivers. A large part of the Kigoma municipality lies on a gently inclined plateau with steep hills rising very sharply from 800 meters at the level of Lake Tanganyika to altitudes of 1,750 meters. The features on the North and East 56

58 are gently rolling hills with three major perennial rivers of Malagarasi and Luiche. The first two rivers comprise the major drainage area. The descent leads to river valleys at 1000 meters, and swampy and flat delta area at 800 meters where the rivers join the lake (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council, 2016). Based on the altitude and corresponding climate conditions, the Kigoma region itself is divided into three agro-economic zones. The lake-shore zone (800m-1,000m above sea level and where the Kigoma municipality is located) forms a narrow strip of land between Lake Tanganyika and the mountains dissected by numerous streams flowing into the lake creating in the process valleys in a few locations which support paddy farming. Cassava, maize, beans and oil palm are also grown. The intermediate zone (1,200m-1,500m above sea level) is characterized by swampy area which has great potential for irrigation. Finally, the highland zone (1,500m-1,750m above sea level) has mostly higher terrains; only the northern part of the highland zone is populated while the southern area is mostly desolate and reserved for military use. (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council, 2016). Road transport is the most dominant access mode of transport to Kigoma but it is also accessible by means of existing rail, air and water transport. The municipality is also served by the central railway line, which was constructed between 1905 and 1914 and is approximately 1,200km in length. It remains an important link between Dar es Salaam and Kigoma-Ujiji and is used by neighboring countries and districts as regular passenger and cargo trains (PO-RALG, 2016c). Another means of transport is air, the municipality is also served by an airport and is mostly used for domestic flights, refugee relief camps and some regional traffic. Finally, the Lake Tanganyika port is an important mode of transport that facilitates the exchange of goods and services across regions and neighboring countries. The port has a cargo handling capacity of 150,000 metric tons per year, but due to limited, poor storage and handling facilities, it only holds up to 60,000 per year (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council, 2016). Demographic and Social Context Increase in population growth rate may be attributed to natural birth and influx of refugees 16 from the civil wars. According to the most recent 2012 PHC, the Kigoma-Ujiji Municipality grew from 84,704 in 1988 to 144,257 in 2002 to 215,458 in 2012; its growth rate per annum for the period was 3.8 percent, and increased to 4 percent in the period. At the current growth rate, the municipality s population is anticipated to double in size every 17 years, as compared to the national average of 13 years for urban areas in Mainland Tanzania. Increase in population growth rate may be attributed to natural birth and to the influx of refugees from the civil wars that took place in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi in the 1990s. This, however, has since subsided since many of the refugees were repatriated due to successful political negotiations and reduction of the civil wars (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council, 2016). The population distribution within the municipality is uneven. Gross population is estimated to be 1,127 people per sq. km. but this ranges from as low as 350 people per sq. km. to as high as 17,000 people per 16 According to the UNHCR, a first wave of refugees from Burundi came to Tanzania in the 1970s, being accommodated in camps in Kigoma region and at Mishamo in Rukwa region. Some 162,000 of these were offered naturalization in 2010, although the process was suspended in 2011 so that the current status of these people is presently unclear. Two further waves of around 800,000 refugees arrived in mid-1994 and 1996, coming from DR Congo and Burundi, being mainly accommodated in camps in Kagera and Kigoma regions (Wenban-Smith, 2014). 57

59 sq. km. in more highly dense areas (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council, 2016). The uneven distribution in population within the 19 wards of the municipality is demonstrated in the average household size which varies from 4.6 to 5.6 against the national average of all urban areas in Mainland Tanzania of 4.2 (URT, 2016d). The dominant age group is of working age, followed by the young and the elderly population. Census data estimate that around 55 percent of the population falls between the ages of 15 and 64. This trend bodes positively as a large share is of working age and can contribute to the labor productivity for a sustained local economy. This is followed by the young population between the ages of 0 and 14 with 42 percent, and the elderly population 65 years and up with 3 percent (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council, 2016). Economic Conditions and Financing Kigoma is one of the least developed areas in the country, its average per capita income is estimated to be Tshs 360,000. Based on a socioeconomic household survey conducted in 2016 (see Table 12), there is a variety of income levels ranging from low, medium to high. Low-income households, which are those who earn less than Tshs 50,000, account for 7 percent. Middle-income households, which are those who earn between Tshs 50,000 and Tshs 300,000, account for 70 percent. Finally, high-income households, which are those who earn more than Tshs 300,000, account for 23 percent (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council, 2016). Table 12: Household income levels in Kigoma-Ujiji Municipality Income level No. of individuals in absolute terms Number of people (in %) Below Tshs 50, Tshs 50,000-Tshs 300, More than Tshs 300, Total Source: Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council (2016) Principal economic activities are fishing, small-scale agriculture and livestock, trading and business, and small-scale industries. Combined, these activities make up more than 68 percent of the total commercial industry in Kigoma (URT, 2016d). Fishing is a major source of economic activity for the youth and women in Kigoma. Lake Tanganyika has a wide variety of fish species that are further processed into tradeable fish products. Small-scale agriculture and livestock is another contributor among low-income earners. The main food crops grown in the area are cassava, maize, legumes, bananas, rice, sweet potatoes; the main cash crops are oil palms and horticultural crops including fruit; and examples of livestock include cattle, goats, pigs, sheep and poultry. Both these sectors, however, require investment due to insufficient equipment, infrastructure and facilities, and inadequate labor and entrepreneurial skills (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council website). Trading is another primary activity in Kigoma, about 75 percent of residents are reported to earn their living through trade, particularly in the informal and business sectors. Commonly traded goods include rice, beans, maize, sardines and clothes that are sold in nearby districts and countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi and Zambia. In terms of small-scale industries, there are many registered businesses involved in soap manufacturing, palm oil processing, and milling machines, among 58

60 Figure 18: Distribution of employed population in Kigoma Municipality Agriculture, food crops and forestry Fishing, hunting, livestock and other related industries Mining and quarrying Manufacturing Electricity, gas and steam Clean water, sewage and environmental services Construction Raw food sales (uncooked food) Trade and commerce Haulage and storage Food, hotels and lodging services Information and communication Financial institution and insurance Public administration and security services Education services Health and social welfare services Domestic services Other activities not listed Source: 2012 PHC others. There are no large-scale manufacturing due to intermittent power supply, which constrains industrial development both in the municipality and throughout the region (PO-RALG, 2016c). Kigoma-Ujiji has considerably low levels of own source revenue collection particularly in the area of property tax. In recent years, Kigoma-Ujiji s performance on property tax collection has been among the worst of its peer cities: over the period of FY 2012/13 to FY 2014/15, the municipality collected an annual average of just 30 percent of its budgetary expectations for property tax revenue. This is exceptionally low by both district and international standards, where in developed countries, collection levels for property tax are typically in excess of 90 percent. All properties are currently billed on flat rates and the demand notices are prepared manually by the Ward Executive Officers. The billing is still incomplete, as some of the Ward Officers have not completed all of the registers. If collection returns to the previous levels, it will be an improvement but will still be significantly low and in need of improvement (McCluskey and Doherty, 2016). Table 13: Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council Property Tax Collection Rates Financial Year Estimated Revenue (Tshs) Collected (Tshs) Arrears (Tshs) Percent collected (%) 2012/13 126,859,620 25,518, ,341, /14 200,000,000 67,545, ,454, /15 283,000, ,553, ,446, /16 (as of April) 346,890,000 28,504, ,385,815 8 TOTAL 956,749, ,121, ,628, Source: McCluskey and Doherty (2016) Infrastructure and Services 59

61 Kigoma has a strong road network; however its quality is lacking. The total length of road network is 352km 71km of which are gravel, 266km are earth roads and 15km are tarmac. While the road network is strong, its quality is lacking: most roads are difficult to pass through particularly during the wet season due to insufficient side drains, soil erosion, and poor maintenance and repair (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council, 2016). Large gaps in access to basic infrastructure and services in part reflect inadequate levels of investment. Demand for improved drinking water sources is steadily increasing in Kigoma due to increases in population growth and standards of living. However, access is estimated to only be 66 percent. The constraining factor in water service delivery is reported to be the pumping facilities that transport water from its source in Lake Tanganyika. Piped water supply is provided by the Kigoma Urban Water Supply and Sewerage Authority (KUWASA) and has benefitted only 30 percent of municipal residents, which is less than the national average. The coverage of solid waste management service also suffers from a low standard service with respect to refuse or solid waste disposal, only 26 percent of households have access to some form of organized collection. Most of the solid waste collection points for both commercial and domestic solid waste are located in the CBD, the city lacks a formal dumpsite and proper wastewater treatment (in its absence, waste water is discharged and untreated into Lake Tanganyika). More than 55 percent of households still resort to domestic waste being buried or burnt (URT, 2016d). The main source of energy for lighting is electricity with 40 percent. Power supply is intermittent, it is powered by a diesel-fueled power plant which is reported to be outdated. Electricity shortages are common in Kigoma because the municipality is not connected to the national electric grid (PO-RALG, 2016c). Most households resort to fossil fuel such as kerosene for domestic lighting which is estimated to be 37 percent of residents (URT, 2016d). Table 14: Percentage distribution of households in Kigoma by access to improved drinking water, electricity as primary source of lighting, improved toilet facility and refuse disposal Tanzania (national) Mainland Tanzania (urban) Kigoma (regional) Kigoma-Ujiji Municipality Access to improved drinking water source, piped water into dwelling and yard/plot (%) Access to electricity as primary source of lighting, TANESCO/ZECO (%) 60 Access to toilet facility (flush/pour water piped sewer system, septic tank and covered pit, %) Access to some form of organized garbage collection (%) Source: 2012 PHC Most of the houses in Kigoma are generally in permanent condition. The Kigoma-Ujiji Draft Master Plan reports that about 80 percent of households are located in planned areas, and 20 percent of

62 households are living in unplanned areas. Both types of settlements comprise of a combination of detached modern and Swahili houses (81%), semi-detached houses (15%), rows of houses (3%) and blocks of flats (less than 1%). However, it is noted that the most dominant housing type (95%) in the Ujiji area is the Swahili type. Generally, around 89 percent of houses in the Kigoma-Ujiji Municipality are in permanent condition, most of these are found in the urban core wards and some of the newly developed (Kigoma- Ujiji Municipal Council, 2016). Around 59 percent use cement for flooring which considered to be a strong building foundation, 77 percent use bricks (cement, sundried and baked) for walls, while 86 percent use corrugated iron sheets for their roofs (URT, 2016d). Most schools in Kigoma do not have adequate infrastructure and facilities. There are around 128 schools throughout the city, 48 are pre-primary, 50 are primary and 30 are secondary (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council website). The number of colleges and universities in the area is scant, only Open University- Kigoma Branch, Western Tanganyika College and Newman College are found in Kigoma. Some of the critical challenges facing the education sector is lack of adequate infrastructure and facilities such as classrooms, desks, toilets and staff housing (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council, 2016). Most of the health facilities require upgrading and rehabilitation. There are only a total of 21 health facilities found in the Kigoma-Ujiji municipality, which comprise of 2 hospitals, 2 health centers and 17 dispensaries. The conditions of these facilities have been assessed by the Municipal Health Department to be in poor condition (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council, 2016) that require upgrading and rehabilitation. Considering also the increasing growth of the population, infrastructure may not be adequate to accommodate both staff and in- and out-patient households. Environmental Conditions The climate is humid and tropical with moderate to high rainfall. The climate in Kigoma is generally tropical. Annual rainfall ranges from 980mm to 1,200mm per annum. The wet season typically begins from late October to May, followed by a short dry spell in January or February which lasts for around 2 to 3 weeks. The rest of the year is mostly dry season. The municipality is also characterized by high humidity with an average high day-time temperature of 30 degrees (PO-RALG, 2016c). Kigoma s topography is predisposed to severe soil erosion and stormwater runoff, its effects are exacerbated by urban development and a growing population. Kigoma s topography is characterized by a hilly terrain composed of sandy, loamy soil and steep slopes that are oriented towards Lake Tanganyika. As more development takes place on higher areas, less ground surface is available for rain and stormwater infiltration. This means that more stormwater runoff flows directly into Lake Tanganyika at higher speeds given built-up roofs and steep ground slopes. As a result, soil erosion becomes aggravated and siltation of open channels, rivers and streams in low-lying areas become apparent (Kigoma-Ujiji Municipal Council, 2016). This raises concern for the city to provide adequate stormwater drains and associated infrastructure along roads and other critical areas where stormwater runoff is most affected. Urban Planning Context and Related Institutions and Political Economy Review of Previous Master Planning Efforts 61

63 For a long time, Kigoma-Ujiji had been growing without a master plan, there were previous attempts to develop plans as a form of GPS with the intent to guide and coordinate spatial development. Kigoma- Ujiji has not had any approved master plan since the country s independence in Planned urban development had only been taking place in a piecemeal fashion that resulted in fragmented, uncoordinated development and inefficient service delivery and land use allocation. Several plans were developed as a form of a GPS with the objective of providing adequate and orderly development within the municipality. These were: the Interim Land Use Plan for Kigoma-Ujiji ( ); Kigoma Central Area Redevelopment Plan (2002); Land Use Plan for Kigoma Special Economic Zone (2009); the Kigoma-Ujiji Master Plan ( ) which was drafted but not adopted; and Draft Redevelopment Plan For Ujiji Historical Town, and A Fine Tuned Master Plan For Kigoma-Ujiji Municipality ( ). Interviewees report that the city and planning department would sometimes use detailed planning schemes to plan major institutional uses in the absence of a master plan. As one example, the planning department was approached by a group planning to establish a university and seeking an appropriate site; planning staff directed them to acquire land from private landholders in Kagera neighborhood, which they knew to have large plots of land for available, and then to return to their office once the land was purchased to request a detailed planning scheme. Planners also noted that the absence of a master plan has been challenging, but that even necessary bylaws to enforce master plans and detailed planning schemes have not been approved. Nonetheless, DPS exist and continue to be developed. The production of DPSs was reported to be primarily demand driven, with those being driven by the Municipal Council itself very few. Planners reported a participatory planning approach by which mtaa residents come together to request a detailed planning scheme (knowing that this will allow them to seek more formal land tenure), and a participatory process is then used to create the DPS. As of July 2017, a draft Master Plan for had been prepared, but not yet passed through all the necessary stages which include stakeholder workshops, local adoption, and MLHHSD approval. The draft includes requirements to guide the preparation of detailed planning schemes in new areas, schemes for regularization of existing informal settlements, measures for participatory planning, implementation and monitoring, as well as alignment with national development goals and agenda such as Vision 2025; National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty; National Long Term Perspective Plan; and Five Year National Development Plan. Urban Land Administration When asked about the existence of parallel land administration systems which are common elsewhere in the country, planning staff reported that land transfers are sometimes overseen and signed off by mtaa or ward officers (as opposed to being conducted through the legally established municipal/mlhhsd channels). They noted, however, that this form of transaction is relatively uncommon within the urban core where surveyed areas predominate and unsurveyed plots are few. They observed that this does occur in peri-urban areas, and that residents refer to the documents they receive from the local government officers as hatimiliki ya mwenyekiti ( land title from the chairperson ). Planning staff also observed that even in the case of these informal land transactions, the ward/mtaa/village chairmen will frequently use 62

64 measuring tape and chalk or other markings to establish plot boundaries in straight lines in order to maintain a grid pattern of development 17. Urban Form and Spatial Development When asked about how land use decisions were made and whether spatial form was guided in any way given the absence of a master plan, municipal planning staff reported a number of challenges and coping strategies. Industrial land was reported to be limited; planning staff observed that many areas which were intended to be industrial and which may have been designated as such in town plans have been built out with residential uses. When asked how industrial land gets set aside, planners reported that it would occur on an ad hoc basis; if the planning office receives a request for a go-ahead to site an industrial use, they consider whether that use would be an environmental threat or otherwise obnoxious to neighbors, and may advise the requester to seek another site. The impact of refugee influx to the region has been significant, but less obvious in the city. The central government sought to control influx to other parts of the country, particularly Dar es Salaam, by establishing buffer areas throughout Kigoma, as well as in Mtwara and Songea. These cities bordered countries including the Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi and Mozambique that suffered from liberation wars, civil unrest and insurgency. As a result, refugees were isolated from the rest of the city and were designated in less dense and more forested areas. Government support was limited in these buffer areas and overall development was slow. Residents instead migrated to other cities to seek better economic opportunities outside of Kigoma. Development controls were reported to be a challenge. Planners noted that the municipal council has two building inspectors on staff, but that there is no quality control over their work, and there is no designated vehicle to assist them in making their rounds, so their geographic scope is quite limited. Although building inspectors or planning staff will mark illegal construction with X s, they observe that the public does not take these very seriously, and will often continue to build as they see fit. The X s generally function well as a means to summon land holders to the Municipal Council, allowing the MC to issue the penalty fines and guidance on those regulations which were violated by their construction. Planners note, however, that the problem itself (e.g. that a building is being constructed within a designated right of way), is rarely corrected. Planners also noted that development controls in Kigoma rely heavily on the assistance of ward and mtaa officers to report development activity that is occurring without the appropriate permits; however, not all local government officials choose to play this essentially voluntary role. As noted above, Kigoma Municipality has a road network and urban form that is among the most complete and most orderly we visited. These were observed to be on par with those of Dodoma and Tanga which, unlike Kigoma, have a long history of master planning and relatively strong development controls. When asked how this was achieved in the absence of a master plan, planning staff noted that 17 We inquired into this practice, which is not common in other urban areas in the country, during an interview with an urban planner at the RAS office; he attributed this to Kigoma s culture of orderly development, which he believed has roots in Tanzania s Ujamaa villagization policies of the 1960s and 1970s. He observed that this culture is also more likely to take root in areas where crops are predominantly annual (e.g., maize, potatoes, etc), as there is a tendency for community compound-style development in areas with perennial crops (e.g., cashews, tree fruits, etc). 63

65 demarcations were common in Kigoma. Prior to the revised planning act, the law did not require an urban plan in order to do surveying. Villages arranged land on their own and established a strong road network with generally sufficient way leaves 18 and open space. But over time, the profitability of surveying in the absence of planning was inspiring mass surveying and demarcations in majority of the city, the city neglected to plan for critical land uses such as industrial lands and open spaces. Even where public uses were initially designated and surveyed as such, they were reportedly oftentimes later subdivided into residential plots; in one such case, land surveyed to be a market was illegally subdivided residential plots. Another unique characteristic of Kigoma is the prevalence of offer letters, which land holders in other cities have as well, but at seemingly lower rates. Prior to the 2000s, MLHHSD, led a mass land titling exercise under which land owners whose plots were either demarcated or properly surveyed were issued offer letters from the regional office. The letters stated that landowners were eligible to receive a Certificate of Right of Occupancy (CRO), however the final step of actual CRO issuance was never carried out for many properties. Nevertheless, landholders reportedly feel highly secure in their land title given they have the offer letter. Moreover, it was in 2002 that the issuance of residential licenses fueled the ratification to change the uses for public space and amenities, thus returning to the layout proposed in previous interim land use and demarcation exercises. Mbeya Geography and Physical Characteristics Mbeya City is the regional capital of Mbeya and it serves as an international gateway to a number of South African landlocked countries. The Mbeya City Council Figure 19: Location of Mbeya City is a rapidly growing city located in the southwest of Tanzania. The city is one among 7 councils that make up the Mbeya region, it also serves as the district and regional headquarters. It is comprised of 2 divisions, 36 wards and 181 mtaas (Mbeya Regional Commissioner s Office, 2016). It is located about 900km from Dar es Salaam and is surrounded by the Mbeya District in all directions. But because of its close proximity and use of the Tanzania-Zambia Highway (TANZAM) and Tanzania-Zambia Railway (TAZARA), Mbeya is located en route to Tanzania s immediate southern neighbors of Malawi and Zambia, as well as countries throughout Southern Africa. This is significant to the city s economy, as other countries including Malawi have located some of their industries and facilities in Mbeya City for ease of transport (Francis, 2013). Source: Wikipedia 18 Way leaves are a common term in Tanzania used to refer to right-of-ways, road reserves or set asides. 64

66 Mbeya s documented history can be traced back to the British colonial period when it was first established in The first set of buildings were constructed in where the CBD is located today with an Indian market, some residential buildings, followed by government buildings and a police station. Following some time, missionaries then settled in Mbeya City due to its pleasant climate, natural landscape and existing trade routes that linked to other bustling centers within Tanzania as well as outside (Kiondo and Mosha, 2016). Reports from as early as 1937 indicated squatter housing problems. Rapid development (due to the construction of the TANZAM and TAZARA) and large influx of people into Mbeya resulted in both the expansion of the township boundary in 1978 and 1982 as well as the proliferation of unplanned residential areas (Mbeya City Council, 1975; Mbeya City Council, 1984). Eventually the city was upgraded to municipal status in Apart from this, Mbeya s strategic location, being at the crossroad of the Lupa goldmines in Chunya district as well as the Zimbabwe-Zambia copper belt, also enhanced its rapid growth (Mbeya City Council, 2003). Figure 20: Administrative area of Mbeya City Mbeya City covers a total area of 214 sq. km., 46.4 percent of which is under agriculture and 53.6 percent is used for other uses, which include settlements, forestry, valleys and mountain ranges. The city is found in the southern highlands on an elevated land along the slopes of the Mbeya and Mporoto Ranges with altitude ranging from 1,600m to 2,400m above sea level (Mbeya City Council website). It is mainly sloping on both sides of the Meta and Sisimba rivers. It also slopes towards the junction of the two rivers where it ends in a soft bedrock. Soils from the area are clay loams which have good drainage quality. The surface soil is volcanic pumice thrown from the Loleza ranges making Mbeya located within an earthquake zone. Source: Mbeya City Council (1975) The main bodies of water are the Great Ruaha, which is considered one of the great inlets of the Indian Ocean, as well as Lake Rukwa in the northwest of which the rivers Zira and Songwe form the inland drainage into Lake Rukwa (PO-RALG, 2016d). In terms of built up area, the 1985 Mbeya Master Plan Review reports that around 21 percent (approximately 44 km 2 ) of the land is urbanized. The central area occupies an area of 2.14 km 2, of which 1.5km 2 serves as the regional administrative, commercial and industrial center for the Mbeya region (Mbeya City Council, 2003). Demographic and Social Context The population of Mbeya City is growing quickly, but at a slower rate than the national average for all urban areas. According to the 2012 PHC, Mbeya City grew from 152,844 in 1988 to 265,586 in 2002 to 385,279 in 2012, of which 47 percent were male and 53 percent were female. For the period , the growth rate per annum was 3.7 percent. This is higher when compared to the regional growth rate of 2.7 percent but lower than the average urban growth rate in Mainland Tanzania of 5.2 percent. At the 65

67 city s current growth rate, the population is anticipated to double in size every 19 years, as compared to the national average of 13 years for urban areas in Mainland Tanzania (URT, 2016e). In terms of urban growth, Mbeya City is growing at the same pace as most other rapidly urbanizing areas, but net in-migration into the city is higher than into Tanzanian cities of comparable size. In fact, its urban growth rate of 4.1 percent is the same as the average urban growth rate observed between for other large and medium-sized cities such as Dar es Salaam, Zanzibar and Mwanza. Mbeya s population growth is explained primarily by natural growth (an estimated 80% of population growth is so explained); however, the remaining 20% of overall population growth is explained by net inmigration, which was a significantly higher share than found for the other six case cities included in this study (World Bank, 2016a). Economic Conditions and Financing The city s economy is driven by agriculture particularly subsistence farming and agriculture. According to the 2012 Population and Housing census, more than 63 percent of the city is employed in agriculture (URT, 2016e). Mbeya City received the government directive to become an agricultural city for the rest of the country. It is thus a significant contributor to the local economy followed by the service sector and petty trading (See Figure 21). Figure 21: Distribution of employed population in Mbeya City Agriculture, food crops and forestry Fishing, hunting, livestock and other related industries Mining and quarrying Manufacturing Electricity, gas and steam Clean water, sewage and environmental services Construction Raw food sales (uncooked food) Trade and commerce Haulage and storage Food, hotels and lodging services Information and communication Financial institution and insurance Public administration and security services Education services Health and social welfare services Domestic services Other activities not listed Source: PHC (2012) In terms of property tax collection, there appears to be significant arrears but this could be more due to an inaccurate assessment of revenue targets as well as weak enforcement powers. The estimated revenue has increased considerably from Tshs 300,000,000 to Tshs 900,000,000 over three years but without any improvement in actual cash collection performance. There appears to be significant arrears accumulating but it should be noted that it is impossible to assess the actual level of arrears because the 66

68 budgeted revenue is not as an assessment based on actual debit. Further, there is also a lack of a coherent and systematic enforcement plan and process. Enforcement powers are limited and little enforcement action has been undertaken by the City Council in 2015/16 the council issued 4,800 enforcement notices but only some 50 defaulters were taken to court (McCluskey and Doherty, 2016). Table 15: Mbeya City Council Property Tax Collection Rates Financial Year Estimated Revenue (Tshs) Collected (Tshs) Arrears (Tshs) Percent collected (%) 2012/13 300,000, ,296,000 54,704, /14 800,000, ,226, ,774, /15 800,000, ,368, ,631, /16 (as of April) 900,000, ,871, ,129, TOTAL 2,800,000,000 1,062,761,200 1,737,238, Source: McCluskey and Doherty (2016) Premium is another potential source of revenue to finance public goods and services if the city can effectively produce and allocate plots on an annual basis. An independent study (Francis, 2013) was conducted on revenue collected from 2004 to It showed that the total revenue collected from premiums is higher than revenue from land rent and property tax. Most plots in Mbeya are allocated by charging applicants who have been awarded their certificates of occupancy with a premium. This premium for any prime residential, commercial and industrial land is allocated in a transparent manner either through open tender or auction. That is to say that premiums are set by the market forces of demand and supply. The reality, however, is that this method is rarely applied by local authorities. Table 16: Revenue from land rent, premium and property tax from 2004 to 2013, at 2013 prices Year Property tax revenue (in US$) Land rent revenue (in US$) Premium revenue (in US$) , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,626, , , , , , , , , ,952, , , , , , , TOTAL 1,440, , ,529, Source: calculations from Francis (2013) based on financial data obtained from Mbeya City Council Funding for planning activities was reported to be a major challenge, which has become particularly acute in recent years as revenue that was previously own source and available for the City itself to budget has been taken over by the central government. Property tax revenue is one such example, but a capital gains tax of 11.5% which is collected at the time of property transfer (of formalized parcels) that was traditionally retained by planning departments is now required to be remitted to TRA. Planning staff reported that the department now relies primarily on the collection of a processing fee of Tshs 160,000, 67

69 but that this applies only to the transfer of formal property, while the majority of land transfers occur in the informal system. Infrastructure and Services Compared to regional and national levels, majority of households in Mbeya City have significantly higher than average nominal physical access and connections to improved drinking water, electricity, toilet facilities and organized garbage collection. The table below summarizes the percentage distribution of households with physical and nominal access to the above infrastructure and services at the city, regional and national levels. In terms of access to improved drink water sources, over 88 percent of private households had access to piped water 56.8 percent piped into their dwelling and 31.4 percent piped into a yard or plot. Mbeya Urban Water and Sanitation Authority staff report that water access is high in Mbeya because the city s water supply comes from the surrounding hills, which allows for the system to be almost entirely gravity fed, thus reducing costs and the need for highly technical solutions to water distribution. In terms of lighting in the form of electricity as primary source, more than 46 percent had access through an electricity provider. In terms of access to toilet facility, more than 40 percent reported of using improved toilet facilities 5.6 percent of flush/pour water to piped sewer system, 8.5 percent to septic tank and 26.3 percent to covered pit. In terms of access to some form of organized refuse disposal or garbage collection, an estimated 28 percent of households have their refuse or solid waste collected, of which 21.7 percent are regularly collected and 6.3 percent irregularly collected. Most households still dispose of their solid wastes haphazardly, either used as fertilizer, burned or buried (URT, 2016e). Table 17: Percentage distribution of households in Mbeya by access to improved drinking water, electricity as primary source of lighting, improved toilet facility and refuse disposal Access to improved drinking water source, piped water into dwelling and yard/plot (%) Access to electricity as primary source of lighting, TANESCO/ZECO (%) 68 Access to toilet facility (flush/pour water piped sewer system, septic tank and covered pit, %) Tanzania (national) Mainland Tanzania (urban) Mbeya (regional) Mbeya City Access to some form of organized garbage collection (%) Source: 2012 PHC Almost all of the houses in Mbeya City are in permanent condition. The quality of houses is determined by the quality of the building materials used. For Mbeya City, the 2012 PHC reported that more than 80 percent of households use cement which is considered to be a strong building foundation, almost 100 percent use bricks (cement, sundried and baked) for walls, while 98 percent use corrugated iron sheets for their roofs (URT, 2016e).

70 The city faces inadequate health facilities and services. There are only 19 government health facilities, 4 health centers and 6 dispensaries that are owned by the Council. It has been reported that there is an inadequate number of health staff, insufficient supply of medication and medical equipment, as well as a limited number of health service delivery points. As of July 2010, a health center in Igawilo was planned to be upgraded into a city hospital (PO-RALG, 2016d). Latest information regarding this and other newly built hospitals to date are not known. Various primary and secondary schools and other higher learning institutions are located in Mbeya City. The City Council has 83 primary schools, all of which hold classes for pre-primary students, and 52 secondary schools, which the Council notes is witnessing a shortage of teachers and non-teaching staff. Meanwhile, there are also a number of higher learning education and training institutions nearby. These are TheofiloKisanji University, Mzumbe University Campus, Open University of Tanzania, Moshi University of Co-operative and Business Studies, Mbeya Institution of Science and Technology (MIST), some vocation training centers, Tanzania Institute of Accounts, Agricultural Research Institute, Mbeya Lutheran Teachers College, Assistant Medical Officers College, and Arusha University (PO-RALG, 2016d). Environmental Conditions Mbeya City has a moderate climate with reliable and sufficient rainfall. Mbeya City has a mean annual rainfall of 1,200mm. Its climate is generally tropical with marked seasonal and altitudinal temperature variations. The mean temperature ranges from 11 degrees to 25 degrees. In addition, it has a distinct wet season that occurs between November and May, and a dry season for the remainder of the year (PO- RALG, 2016d). However, it is vulnerable to droughts and flooding during extreme weather events as Mbeya City is dependent on basin water resources. Mbeya City lies within and is highly dependent on the Lake Rukwa Basin. The lake has a socioeconomic importance for domestic water supply, irrigation, livestock, wildlife, mining, fishing, lake transportation and ecological maintenance. However, the Lake Rukwa Basin faces a number of challenges related to the impacts of climate change. Recent climate change analysis, based on GCM calculations, predicts a slight increase in rainfall but also a significant increase in potential evapotranspiration for and time periods. The increases are projected to have a significant impact on stream flows by intensifying drought and floods in the second half of the century. Water availability will increasingly become difficult as ground water resources decline or dry up due to prolonged droughts. Coupled with population pressures and rapid urbanization, this will have an impact on agriculture, food security, public health as well as planning for climate change adaptation for Mbeya s domestic water supply sector (Mbungu, 2015). Urban Planning Context and Related Institutions and Political Economy Urban Form and Spatial Development In the 1970s, Mbeya City was selected to be one of the 10 growth pole centers in the country. Reasons for selection were: (i) development in the Southern Highlands was lagging behind development of the northern part of the country for many years; (ii) the hinterland of Mbeya is of high potential both in terms 69

71 of population and of future agricultural expansion; (iii) Mbeya is well endowed with cheap hydro-electric potential; (iv) location on the main trading route to Zambia; (v) most important station on the TAZARA railway; and (vi) Mbeya to become the main port for trade and cooperation with Zambia. Mbeya was designated by the government to be the country s agricultural city, which resulted in several urban farmlands left undeveloped. The city was given the directive to be the grain basket city for the Mbeya region, which is why more than 46 percent of the city s land area is currently designated as agricultural. The local council interpreted this directive to encourage farming within the city. As a result, emphasis on efficient land use was ignored and informal settlements proliferated in the inner city. Many of the city s plots that had been planned and surveyed ended up converted into farms. There are still some large, empty parcels to date that were previously intended in the master plan for other uses particularly industrial use. Because of the proliferation of informal settlements in the city center, Mbeya was one of the pioneers in the country to carry out settlement upgrading and site and services programs. The city witnessed a large influx of people in the 1970s as a result of construction of the TANZAM highway and TAZARA railway. With credit support from the World Bank, the national site and services and squatter upgrading program was introduced in Mbeya in with the intention of selecting pilot project areas that would demonstrate a replicable approach to responding to urban housing needs. The results, however, were not successful. The Bank had to pull out of the project by the early 1980s because of poor project performance, along with other national economic and security concerns. Review of Previous Master Plans Mbeya currently does not have a master plan, but anticipates to initiate the preparation process this year. Planners reported that the 1984 Master Plan is still being used to guide land use decisions in the city; however, the frequency with which that plan is actually referred to is in question as a copy of the 1984 proposed land use map itself was not available in the planning office and it appeared that no one had realized it was missing until the research team requested it during our field visit. The city does have a redevelopment plan which in theory guides density and land use in Mbeya s inner core; however, planners at the Regional Administrative Secretariat observed that this plan is not implemented. Table 18: Key Features of Previous Master Plans in Mbeya City Central Area Redevelopment Plan Main Objectives Development Strategies Develop Mbeya City as one of the 9 selected growth centers outside of Dar es Salaam 1. Focus expansion from east-west along the Tanzam highway and Tazara railway 1. Cluster model/selfcontained neighborboods - Clusters as the basic unit for Developed as an integral part of the entire SUDP 2. Intended to guide the transformation of Mbeya town center following deterioration of the infrastructure system and dilapidation of houses in the area 1. Intensify use of central commercial area by enforcing standards for plot

72 Implementation mechanisms Population projections Planning boundary 2. Creation of 2 new subcenters in addition to the existing town center 1. More than 60% of planned development of residential areas to be grouped in units of 3,000-3,500 people centered around a primary school statistical planning areas grouped into 4 sectors The population in 1974 was estimated to be around 62,000. Population was projected to reach 219,000 at an annual growth rate of 6.5% residential planning composed of 100 plots with a population of 830 people; neighborhoods to consist of several housing clusters; residential communities to consist of 5-6 neighborhood units with a population of 25,000-30,000 neighborhood units, residential communities; and sub-districts to comprise of 6 communities with a population of 150, , Plot standards for minimum setbacks and maximum plot coverages enforced 3. Linear growth model along the TANZAM highway and TAZARA Railway Central area development of the old town Overall municipal population was projected at 616,512 people by 2005 of which 7,296 would be living in rural villages at the same growth rate recorded between 1971 and ,600 hectares 21,000 hectares of which 4,400 is within the urban built up area coverage, plot ratio, building lines and heights 2. Propose efficient land use to prevent environmental degradation 3. Facelift of the skyline and townscape Six distinct planning zones: northern zone for institutional; southern zone for commercial residential; eastern zone for commercial facilities; intermediate western zone for institutional activities; central area for purely commercial with some commercial residential facilities; and western zone for commercial residential 214 hectares of which 150 forms the central area of the municipality Although planning staff estimated that 70 percent of the city s land area is covered by DPS, actual implementation of these plans is reportedly quite low (estimated by planning staff to be around 30 percent). Many of the existing detailed planning schemes were reported to have been drawn, but surveying was never carried out in these areas, compensation was never paid, and residents proceeded to build informally without regard to the DPS. 71

73 As in other case cities, funding for compensation was reported to be a major challenge. Interviewees noted that there had previously been a revolving fund which was used to finance the acquisition of land and surveying of planned plots which were then sold to the public, with profits returning to the revolving fund. This was reported to be successful, but interviewees observed that the available funds began to be repurposed for non-planning uses, and that it is no longer in place. Urban Land Administration The conventional method of mass land acquisition, centralized planning, and government surveying and sale of plots was reported to be further challenged by public opposition to this model. Planning staff reported that Mbeya residents are generally no longer willing to be compensated and removed from their land, and so the planning department has sought alternatives to the conventional model. The planning department now relies heavily on the practice of upimaji shirikishi, meaning planning and surveying with landowners. With the approval of the urban planning committee and city council, the City s planning department has established a program in eight wards in unplanned peri-urban areas to work with landowners in organizing their land based on appropriate planning guidelines and standards. In close partnership with area residents/land owners and mtaa and ward leadership, planners develop detailed planning schemes and survey the area, creating a road network and multiple plots out of land holders properties. The City agrees with residents that 40% of the overall sale price of any of these plots will be given to the City at the time of sale. This arrangement reportedly works well for the City, which is able to plan despite their lack of funds for compensation and for the land holders, who profit from the increased value of their land which resulted from the planning and plot formalization process. The City Economist observed that Mbeya has insufficient land set aside for industrial uses; although it also observed that many of the larger industrial plots that do exist are left undeveloped by their owners who are more interested in selling to prospective investors than they are in developing industry themselves. The director of the local Chamber of Commerce observed that there are no areas that are ready for investment, which forces investors to go to peri-urban areas where they can acquire large tracks of cheap land; and they are then forced to service these areas themselves. Traditionally, informal land sales were reportedly overseen and recorded by mtaa or ward officers, but planning staff and an elected official both observed that the trend is now for residents to go directly to lawyers to have their land transaction witnessed and recorded. In such cases, ward and/or mtaa offices are frequently skipped altogether. The City Economist noted that development pressure is primarily residential in nature. As elsewhere, political interference was reported to be a problem. One illustrative example which was shared involved land which was designated as an industrial area; however, a high-level politician publicly announced that this land would and should be returned to Mbeya residents, which reportedly encouraged squatting followed by more (illegal) construction with more permanent building materials. 72

74 Mtwara Geography and Physical Characteristics Mtwara-Mikindani is the capital of the Mtwara region located southeast of Tanzania. The municipality is located on the coast of the Indian Ocean, about 556km away from Dar es Salaam. It is bordered by Ruvuma region to the west, Lindi region to the north, Indian Ocean to the east and Mozambique to the south. Both Tanzania and Mozambique are poorly connected at this border point, however, due to the absence of a bridge crossing the Ruvuma River which forms the border between countries. Figure 22: Location of Mtwara-Mikindani Municipality Mtwara is one of the oldest towns in Tanzania, it has been influenced by a vibrant mix of African, Arab and Source: Mtwara Municipal Council European cultures and customs. Its history can be traced back to the 9th century when Arab settlers set foot and established the town as a trading center. By the 1880s, the Germans had colonized the mainland and established an administrative center in Mikindani. After the Germans defeat in the First World War, British colonists took over the town and it was during this period that the slave trade was abolished and various sisal, coconut and groundnut plantations were built. The British had planned to transform Mtwara into a port city in the 1940s that would serve as the export point for groundnuts produced under a colonial farming scheme. A deep water port capable of accommodating large container ships was constructed as an outlet for this scheme. But the groundnut scheme failed and was abandoned in 1951, and the city was neglected for a time (Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council, 2016). In 1996, the GoT entered in an agreement with a British NGO, Trade Aid, to restore a historic building famously known as Old Boma to be used for community development projects. Its restoration accelerated the rehabilitation of other historic buildings; efforts to preserve the built heritage of the historic town of Mtwara has since become a catalyst for development (Kigadye, 2012). The 2017 Mtwara master plan was developed for a joint planning area which includes nine rural wards surrounding Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council. The official planning area of Mtwara City covers approximately 946 km 2 and consists of the entire Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council and parts of the Mtwara District Council. Expansion of the planning boundary also took into account recent developments in the discovery of offshore gas and the resulting influx of labor and businesses. The estimated population of the planning area based on the 2012 census data is 161,600 (Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council, 2016). 73

75 Figure 23: Administrative areas of Mtwara- Mikindani Municipal Council The planning area is characterized by a predominantly flat and undulating terrain, gentle sloping hills, mangrove forests and numerous water bodies and wetlands. Low lying areas predominate along the coast, which makes it especially vulnerable to flooding and sea level rise. It is on this coastline that there is an abundant source of mangroves. And although the topography consists of mostly gentle sloping hills, there are some areas with steep slopes of more than 20 percent. In terms of water bodies, Mtwara is rich in water resources such as rivers, lakes, wetlands and productive aquifers. The planning area falls within the Ruvuma River and Southern coast basins, as well as two catchment areas in Mtawanya and Mikindani. It is to be noted that majority of the wetlands in the area are seasonal and are therefore dry during the dry season (PO-RALG, 2016e; Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council, 2016). Source: Mtwara Municipal Council Demographic and Social Context Mtwara has one of the slowest growth rates in the country resulting in less development pressure and informal development. Census data estimate that the population of Mtwara Municipality is not keeping pace with the national average for all urban areas. The municipality grew from 92,156 inhabitants in 2002 to 108,279 in 2012, representing a growth rate of 1.6 percent (compared to the average urban growth rate in Mainland Tanzania of 5.2 percent). At this growth rate, the city s population is anticipated to double in size every 43 years, as compared to the national average of 13 years for urban areas in Mainland Tanzania (URT, 2016f). The municipality s slow growth rate implies less development pressure and thus less informal development and greater occurrences of out-migration than in other cities. Despite slow development trends, rapid growth through in-migration from other districts and regions is anticipated following recent natural gas discoveries, particularly the first commercialization of natural gas from the Mnazi Bay in 2006 and the recent discovery of offshore gas off the coast of Southern Tanzania and Mozambique. In a survey conducted among residents in the official planning area, 38 percent of respondents reported to have moved into the area within the last three years, 23 percent moved within the last 4-10 years. The population is projected to increase substantially when planned developments, such as new oil and gas investments and the Mtwara Development Corridor, are realized and the demand for local labor supply and resources is required (Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council, 2016). Economic Conditions and Financing The predominant economic activities in Mtwara are agriculture and petty trading. According to the 2012 Population and Housing census (see Figure 24), it is estimated that more than 31 percent of respondents depend on agriculture, food crops and forestry the predominant cash crop of which is cashew nuts due 74

76 to the municipality s favorable climate and soil conditions and availability of a large agriculture labor pool. This is followed by manufacturing (10%), raw food sales (9.1%), trade and commerce (7.7%) and domestic services (6.8%) (URT, 2016f). Figure 24: Distribution of employed population in Mtwara Municipality Agriculture, food crops and forestry Fishing, hunting, livestock and other related industries Mining and quarrying Manufacturing Electricity, gas and steam Clean water, sewage and environmental services Construction Raw food sales (uncooked food) Trade and commerce Haulage and storage Food, hotels and lodging services Information and communication Financial institution and insurance Public administration and security services Education services Health and social welfare services Domestic services Other activities not listed Source: 2012 Population and Housing Census The natural gas market is a key economic resource for Mtwara, however investment and employment prospects have weakened in the area following the central government s decision to transfer to Dar es Salaam. Major gas reserves have been discovered over the past decade, bringing Mtwara national and international attention. A local economic boom was anticipated, particularly during construction phases for gas facilities. By the end of 2012, the Tanzanian government entered into 26 production sharing agreements with 18 multinational exploration companies demonstrating strong investment prospects. (Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council, 2016). However, economic hopes have since waned following the central government s decision in 2013 to instead pipeline the gas to Dar es Salaam for distribution and energy production. Considerable social unrest erupted in Mtwara, which led to further economic slowdown. Mtwara s position along the coast strengthens its economic growth potential, one of its key features is a naturally deep sea port capable of accommodating large container ships. The Port of Mtwara is the third largest port managed by the Tanzanian Ports Authority in terms of cargo and handling volume. It was built by the British between 1948 and 1954 to export groundnuts, a railway line was also built connecting the port as part of the groundnut scheme. Due to the failure of the scheme, the port immediately lost value and the railway line was removed. The port continued to be operational but was underutilized for many years. (Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council, 2016). According to interviews with the Port Authority and Cashew Board, the Mtwara port is currently being expanded to add an additional berth needed to meet peak demand which occurs during cashew harvesting season (the port was reported to be seasonal, however the planned railway link from Songea is anticipated to increase demand outside of cashew season). The port also serves the Dangote cement factory s shipments to Zanzibar. Linkages 75

77 with the gas industry were reported to be primarily during the construction phase, as the pipeline to Dar es Salaam limits the need for shipping by sea. There is a growing number of small, retail businesses operating in Mtwara. In a survey conducted among small to medium enterprises (SMEs), it was found that the most dominant type of business is retail. Approximately 40 percent are involved in hospitality, electronic sales and repair, liquor stores, restaurants and beauty shops, among others. In the council s CBD, there are currently 39 wholesalers; 404 retail shops, 37 restaurants; 109 hotels, guest houses, hardware shops, pharmacies and bars; and 2 supermarkets. Future development of the city should include facilities and services that develop SMEs so as to contribute more sustainably to the local economy (Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council, 2016). Own source revenue collections, particularly in the area of property tax, is gradually improving in Mtwara but is still below potential. Over the period of 2012/ /15, Mtwara collected an annual average of 68 percent of its budgetary expectations for property tax. However, it showed a year-over-year improvement over the same period. In the first three quarters of FY 2015/2016, the municipality collected 83 percent of its budgetary expectations. As with other LGAs, the estimated revenue is only a budgeted estimate of the council s collection target so it is not possible to accurately assess the arrears in total. Nevertheless, collection is gradually improving with the council s plan to further improve collection by educating taxpayers on the need to pay and by the use of public awareness campaigns. Collectors are paid a 5 percent commission as an incentive to maximize collection (McCluskey and Doherty, 2016). Table 19: Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council Property Tax Collection Rates Financial Year Estimated Revenue (Tshs) Collected (Tshs) Arrears (Tshs) Percent collected (%) 2012/13 121,000,000 55,134,660 65,865, /14 126,629,000 93,860,845 32,768, /15 170,000, ,922,217 25,077, /16 (as of April) 180,000, ,871,738 31,128, TOTAL 597,629, ,789, ,839, Source: McCluskey and Doherty (2016) Infrastructure and Services Compared to other Tanzanian cities observed in this study, Mtwara has low levels of accessibility to basic infrastructure and services including piped water, electricity, toilet facilities and solid waste disposal. The census reveals that piped water reaches only 62.5 percent of the municipal population. The Mtwara Urban Water Supply Authority (MTUWSA) is the sole provider of water in the area which has approximately 126km of distribution mains, however it is meeting only 76 percent of demand. Challenges to water service delivery include a shortage of water treatment facilities, deterioration of existing and low levels of revenue collection (Mtwara Municipal Council website). Similarly, the municipality reportedly does not have a centralized sewerage system. Only 15.7 percent of households had access to toilet facilities, of which 2.2 percent are connected to a piped sewer system, 6 percent linked to a septic tank, and 7.5 percent had covered pits (URT, 2016f). 76

78 Table 20: Percentage distribution of households in Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council by access to improved drinking water, electricity as primary source of lighting, improved toilet facility and refuse disposal Access to improved drinking water source, piped water into dwelling and Access to electricity as primary source of lighting, TANESCO/ZECO (%) Access to toilet facility (flush/pour water piped sewer system, septic Access to some form of organized garbage collection (%) yard/plot (%) tank and covered pit, %) Tanzania (national) Mainland Tanzania (urban) Mtwara (regional) Mtwara City Source: 2012 Population and Housing Census Quality of housing stock in Mtwara-Mikindani is mixed. The quality of houses is determined by the quality of the building materials used. For Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council, only 53 percent of households use cement which is considered to be a strong building foundation, while 45 percent still use earth and sand. Around 53 percent use bricks (cement, sundried and baked) for walls, while 27.2 percent still use poles and mud. Finally, only 68 percent use corrugated iron sheets for their roods, while 26 percent still use grass and leaves (URT, 2016f). There are sufficient pre-primary, primary and secondary schools in the planning area, however, the number of higher learning education institutions is limited. A mapping of education facilities in the planning area showed that there are a total of 61 primary schools (each with a pre-primary school), 25 secondary schools and 6 tertiary schools. Most of the tertiary schools are concentrated in the existing urban center. Efforts by the municipal council have been made to increase the level of education in the area, however significant challenges remain including overcrowded classrooms, inadequate infrastructure, lack of accessibility and low awareness on the importance of education. Moreover, the council needs to attract more higher learning education institutions such as colleges, universities and technical training facilities, so as to enhance the skilled labor pool that is anticipated in the near future (Mtwara Municipal Council website). The municipality has well-distributed health facilities. By the end of 2015, the Mtwara Municipal Council reported that there were 29 dispensaries and 7 health centers scattered within the planning area. The Mtwara regional hospital is in the Mtwara-Mikindani municipality. It is also noted that most households are living within 5km of a health facility (Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council, 2016). Environmental Conditions Mtwara enjoys warm tropical climate conditions. The location of Mtwara along the coast of the Indian Ocean makes it predisposed to rainfall and monsoon winds from the east. The municipality has a mean annual rainfall of 800mm-1,000mm. The climate is generally tropical with a hot, humid rainy season occurring between November and May and a dry season for the remainder of the year. The mean temperature ranges from 23.8 degrees to 27 degrees in July and December, respectively (PO-RALG, 2016e). 77

79 But regular flooding is prevalent in low-lying areas. The area experiences regular flooding, this is due to in part to the topography and altitude of the area. Most of the municipality is characterized by a predominantly flat and undulating terrain. Some portions are found to be below sea level, the highest altitude observed in the coastal area is 40m above sea level in Ligula. Another reason for flooding is the presence of a high water table for many parts of Mtwara, this is usually mitigated through storm water drains strategically located within and throughout the area. Together, these make Mtwara especially vulnerable to sea level rise and flooding during the wet season (Mtwara Municipal Council website). Urban Planning Context and Related Institutions and Political Economy Review of Previous Master Planning Efforts The only approved master plan to date was produced in Info to be filled in Several planning efforts have been carried since the country s independence in 1961, but these were never formally adopted by the municipality. The Mtwara Layout Plan ( ) was prepared in conjunction with the construction of the Port of Mtwara. It had planned for the population to increase to 35,000 inhabitants from the development of the port and railway. When asked, planners estimated that the 1947 master plan continued to be used to guide growth until approximately Another attempt was made in collaboration with the Mtwara-Mikindani Municipal Council for a Master Plan ( ), however the draft was never formally adopted. Planners reported that the 2008 plan was never officially adopted as it did not account for the subsequent discovery of oil and gas, which dramatically altered economic and growth expectations for the city. It was nonetheless used to guide town planning schemes. Mtwara also had a Central Area Redevelopment (2001) which was developed to give focus to the urbanization growing within the Mtwara Township. Most recently, the municipality was compelled to prepare a new master plan in light of the recent natural gas discoveries. Mtwara has transformative potential not only to become a major global producer of natural gas but also to become a principal logistics hub that supplies labor and resources to large manufacturing plants and multinational companies. It is for these reasons that the city was compelled to prepare a master plan that would guide the growth and development of Mtwara as well as to attract capital investments. The draft was approved by the local council in April 2017, and as of June 2017, is pending MLHHSD approval. There were reportedly unsuccessful efforts to expand the municipal boundary itself during preparation for the current master plan; however, these did not succeed. The debate over whether to expand the municipal boundary or to instead use a joint planning area was reportedly highly contentious due to the high (service levy) revenues generated from Dangote cement factory which is located outside the current Mtwara-Mikindani municipal boundary but within the joint planning area. In Mtwara, the Regional Administrative Secretariat (RAS) office took a very central role in coordination of the master plan, which is more typically coordinated either by the LGA (municipal or city council) itself 78

80 or by the MLHHSD. The current master plan is a good example of a well-coordinated planning process with respect to institutional collaboration and regional coordination. Urban Form and Spatial Development Like Kigoma, Mtwara s urban form was largely shaped by demarcations. Planning staff estimated that approximately 20 percent of the urban land area was demarcated. They observed that this was an effective method for control growth in the town, but that the method for demarcations failed to consider and planned for the necessary balance of land uses. Planners report that approximately 60% of the urban area is covered by detailed planning schemes, but estimate that only half of these are properly implemented. Planners reported that they now engage with the public in the creation of mipango shirikishi ( planning and surveying with landowners ) detailed planning schemes in which residents are required to either pay up front for planning and survey costs, or enter into land sharing agreements by which approximately 40% of the plots surveyed on an individual land holders property are turned over to the municipality for sale. Moreover, challenges compensating land holders were reported to be a major impediment to effective implementation of urban plans. Compensation rates in Mtwara were reported to be particularly high because of the abundance of cashew and coconut trees which are required to be compensated at 167,000 and 250,000 tsh, respectively. Urban Land Administration Planners also reported that they are doing a lot of formalization, but the limited number of staff and lack of equipment slows the pace: they report having three surveyors but only one surveying machine, and no handheld GPS devices. Although private companies are now welcome (unlike in the past when they were excluded from practicing surveying), there is reportedly only one local company serving the market. Land speculation exploded in Mtwara following the discovery of off-shore natural gas, and the rate of development of hotels, restaurants and other supportive business reportedly spiked. However, the real estate market quickly cooled after it was announced that the distribution and energy production facilities that much of the general public was expecting to be located in Mtwara would instead be located in Dar es Salaam. Considerable unrest erupted in Mtwara, but a pipeline to transport natural gas to Dar es Salaam was constructed nevertheless. Mwanza Geography and Physical Characteristics Mwanza City is the administrative and commercial capital of Mwanza region, it is also the second largest city in the country after Dar es Salaam. The Mwanza City Council was established in 2000, and the area 79

81 Figure 25: Location of Mwanza City was later divided into two urban administrative districts: Nyamagana (what is now Mwanza City Council) and Ilemela 19. The city is comprised of one division, 18 urban and rural wards, and 175 streets. Source: Wikipedia The city s history can be traced back to the beginning of the 17th century when the Sukuma people, who are believed to be Mwanza s first inhabitants, migrated into Tanzania from the western shores of Lake Victoria. By the 1880s, the German colonists settled in Mwanza town and established it as a commercial hub for all the lake regions. After the Germans defeat in the First World War, Mwanza town became one of the districts under the British Empire. Since the country s independence in 1961, Mwanza City has since expanded by almost 8 times. It reached status of municipal council in 1980 and that of city council in 2000 (Mwanza City Council, 2016). Mwanza is comprised of two Districts, namely Nyamagana and Ilemela. The official planning area of Mwanza City covers approximately 1,337 sq. km., 437 sq. km. of which is land and 900 sq. km. is covered by water. It is comprised of 12 divisions, 21 wards (12 of which are part of Nyamagana District and 9 wards are in Ilemela District), 481 sub-wards (or mtaas), 8 villages and 72 subvillages (or vitongoji) (Mwanza City Council, 2016). Figure 26: Administrative area of Mwanza City Mwanza City is located on the southern shores of Lake Victoria in Northwest Tanzania. Mwanza City covers an area of sq. km., of which 72 percent is land and the remaining 28 percent is covered by water. The area is characterized by plentiful steep, rock slopes unsuitable for development, this gives a distinctive image of a Rock City. It is also part of the watershed of Lake Victoria, which is shared by Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya, and a natural drainage system comprising of various streams within the city (URT, 2016g). Mwanza is accessible by road, rail, air and water to other districts and countries within the East African Community. In terms of road, Mwanza City is found along the Lake Circuit, a trans-international trunk road loop that Source: MLHHSD 19 It is to be noted that as a result of the change in administrative boundaries, Mwanza City Council split into Mwanza City Council and Ilemela Municipal Council. 80

82 connects all the major urban centers surrounding Lake Victoria including Musoma in Mara region, Kisumu in Kenya, Kampala in Uganda, and Bukoba in Kagera region. Mwanza is also served by the central line railway system that connects Mwanza with Tabora, Kigoma and Dar es Salaam. The rail network is used for transporting agricultural and industrial goods within and around the region. There is also an international airport that serves as the main hub for Auric Air and a secondary hub for Precision Air. In terms of water transportation in Lake Victoria, ferries are used to transport both freight and passengers (Mwanza City Council, 2016). Demographic and Social Context The population is growing at 3 percent per annum, and while this is explained primarily by natural population growth (85 percent), the remaining 15 percent of population growth is attributable to inmigration. According to 2012 census data, the population of Mwanza City grew from 241,923 in 2002 to 363,452 in 2012 at an annual growth rate of 3 percent. (URT, 2016g). Mwanza s net migration was found to be the third highest of the seven cities included in this research, falling slightly behind Mbeya and Kigoma, but ahead of Arusha, Dodoma, Mtwara and Tanga (World Bank, 2016a). Like most urban areas, the distribution of population density is highest in the city center. The gross population density reported in Mwanza City Council is 1,420 persons per sq. km. A closer look reveals that approximately one-third of the city s population live in two-thirds of the area, mostly occupying wards that are centrally located. These are in Pamba, Mirongo and Mbugani with around 9,000-12,000 persons per sq. km. Apart from these, the remaining wards have population densities ranging from 217 to 2,477 persons per km2. (URT, 2016g). Like other Tanzanian cities, Mwanza City has a large share of young adults. Census 2012 data estimate that 53 percent of the population in Mwanza City Council falls between the ages of 10 and 34. Meanwhile, children under the age of 10 make up 27 percent of the population, and the remaining 20 percent are adults over the age of 35 (URT, 2016g). Food insecurity, as an indicator for poverty, affects only a small portion of households in Mwanza City Council. Food consumption, such as the number of meals consumed in a day, is used to measure poverty at the household level. Given this, the National Sample Census of Agriculture for reported that 73.7 percent of households in Mwanza City, as observed in Ilemela Council, have two meals per day. Around 25 percent consume 3 or more meals per day, while 1.2 percent of households only at one meal per day. This demonstrates that food insecurity affects only a small portion of households (URT, 2016g). Economic Conditions and Financing The main sources of income and livelihood in Mwanza City Council are more diversified than other secondary cities. According to the 2012 Population and Housing census, the main sources of income in Mwanza City Council are: production and sale of commercial food crops and forestry (13.9%); raw or uncooked food sales (13.6%); trade and commerce (12.9%); manufacturing (11.7%); construction (7.2%); services for food, hotel and lodges (5.5%); domestic services (5%); haulage and storage (4.7%); administration and security services (3.3%); education services (3.1%); and fishing, hunting, livestock and 81

83 other related activities (2.5%). There is no single dominant sector, which illustrates the diversification of economic opportunities available (URT, 2016g). Figure 27: Distribution of employed population in Mwanza City Agriculture, food crops and forestry Fishing, hunting, livestock and other related industries Mining and quarrying Manufacturing Electricity, gas and steam Clean water, sewage and environmental services Construction Raw food sales (uncooked food) Trade and commerce Haulage and storage Food, hotels and lodging services Information and communication Financial institution and insurance Public administration and security services Education services Health and social welfare services Domestic services Other activities not listed Source: 2012 Population and Housing Census Further, the main occupation of majority of the working population in Mwanza is in the services sector. Census data estimate that more than 41 percent of respondents are employed in the service sector, this includes clerks, small business managers, service workers, shop and stall sales workers, and crafts and other related workers. More than 12 percent depend on farming, livestock keeping and fishing for their livelihood, while another 12 percent have an elementary occupation. The remaining occupations including those in the skilled professional pool (legislators, administrators, managers, professionals, technicians and associate professionals); industrial sector (such as plant machine operations assemblers and drivers); and informal sector (such as street vendors and other related workers) were each less than 10 percent (URT, 2016g). Own source revenue collections, particularly in the area of property tax, is still below potential. As a result of the valuation exercise undertaken in 2015 for the LGRCIS, the estimated revenue increased from Tshs 962 million to Tshs 2.1 billion, yet collection rates are still relatively low (See Table 19). As with other LGAs, Mwanza relies on ward executive officers and mtaa leaders for the distribution of demand notices. However, demand notices are issued to some 20,000 taxpayers when it is estimated that there are approximately 40,000 taxpayers. Similarly, actual levels of arrears are not known but there are plans to better estimate arrears when the LGRCIS is fully functional. On a positive note, the city council recently approved a Revenue Enhancement Plan in June 2017 to update valuation records to maximize revenue potential, and to enhance the number of staff involved in collection and enforcement at the ward level (McCluskey and Doherty, 2016). 82

84 Table 21: Mwanza City Council Property Tax Collection Rates Financial Year Estimated Revenue (Tshs) Collected (Tshs) Arrears (Tshs) Percent collected (%) 2012/13 962,749, ,497, ,251, /14 1,150,427,960 1,025,034,089 12,539, /15 2,100,643, ,461, ,182, /16 (as of April) 2,172,844,000 1,206,044, ,799, TOTAL 6,386,665,304 3,291,037,472 1,982,773, Source: McCluskey and Doherty (2016) Infrastructure and Services Majority of households have access to piped water and sewerage networks. However, power supply is still insufficient to meet demand. More than 71 percent of the population in Mwanza City Council are reported to receive piped water either directly into their dwelling or yard/plot, while around 54 percent have access to toilet facilities via sewer system, septic tank or covered pit. This is explained by the fact that both services are provided by the Mwanza Urban Water and Sewerage Authority and regulated by the Energy and Water Utilities Regulatory Authority. Areas not within service coverage are likely to be in unplanned settlements that are not connected to these networks, or areas located at or above the level of water storage tanks on highs slopes where services are unreachable (URT, 2016g). Table 22: Percentage distribution of households in Mwanza City Council by access to improved drinking water, electricity as primary source of lighting and improved toilet facility Access to improved drinking water source, piped water into dwelling and yard/plot (%) Access to electricity as primary source of lighting, TANESCO/ZECO (%) Access to toilet facility (flush/pour water piped sewer system, septic tank and covered pit, %) Tanzania (national) Mainland Tanzania (urban) Mwanza (regional) Mwanza City Source: 2012 Population and Housing Census In Mwanza, communities are the major implementers in solid waste management. According to a study (Majale, et al., 2010), only 14 out of the 21 wards in Mwanza receive solid waste management services as these are the wards covered by the city. For the financial year 2008/2009, contracts for the privatization of solid waste management services were awarded to community-based organizations (CBOs) and two private companies that serviced the CBD. CBOs are perceived to be more participatory, less bureaucratic, more flexible and cost effective with a demonstrated ability to reach the poor and disadvantaged groups. Nevertheless, the city council still plays a large role in service provision by awarding contracts, and allocating roles and responsibilities. This is the city s first step in the direction of a modernized mixtures approach, i.e. arrangements that build on the strength of both state and non-state actors. Most of the houses surveyed in the planned areas are in permanent condition, while poor quality houses are predominant in unplanned settlements. The quality of houses is determined by the quality of 83

85 the building materials used. For Mwanza City, more than 76 percent of households are reported to use cement which is considered to be a strong building foundation, around 95 percent use bricks (cement, sundried and baked) for walls, while 96 percent use corrugated iron sheets for their roofs (URT, 2016g). Houses in good condition are mostly found in the planned areas such as Central Areas, Isamilo, Pasiansi, Bwiru, Kirumba, Capri Point, Nyakato and Kilimahewa. While houses in poor condition are predominant unplanned settlements. Many of these homes are built on hilly areas such as Bugando, Isamilo and Igogo (URT, 2016g; Mwanza City Council, 2016). There is a shortage of both health centers and dispensaries in wards and mtaas, most of the health facilities are concentrated around the city center. By the end of 2015, the City Medical Office reported that there was a total of 67 public and privately owned health facilities in Mwanza 9 of which are hospitals, 14 are health centers and 44 are dispensaries. The distribution of health facilities is markedly uneven as it has resulted in shortages of health centers and dispensaries. To illustrate, it was observed that the average distribution of health facilities was two-fifths of a ward to a health center and 4 mtaas to a health dispensary. Currently, there are 8 wards that have no access to a health center. Most facilities are concentrated in the city center without efficiently serving the peri-urban and rural wards (URT, 2016g). Most schools in Mwanza do not have adequate infrastructure and facilities. There are around 232 schools throughout the city, 97 are pre-primary, 80 are primary and 55 are secondary (URT, 2016g). At the tertiary level, there are 10 colleges and universities, however there are only two vocational training centers in Mwanza. Some of the critical challenges facing the education sector is lack of adequate infrastructure and facilities such as classrooms, desks, toilets and staff housing (Mwanza City Council, 2016). Environmental Conditions Mwanza has a moderate climate and an erratic rainfall pattern. Mwanza City lies at an altitude of 1,140m above sea level. Mwanza City has a mean annual rainfall between 700mm and 1,00mm. Its climate is generally tropical with temperatures ranging from 25.7 degrees to 30.2 degrees during the hot season and 15.4 degrees to 18.6 degrees during the cooler months (URT, 2016g). In addition, rainfall patterns are erratic. The short rains take place between October and December, while the longer rainy seasons lasts from February to May. Due to the weather s erratic rainfall patterns, farmers respond by staggering planting of crops over a period of many weeks (PO-RALG, 2016f). The impacts of severe flooding in Mwanza is exacerbated by rapid population growth and migration of poor households into hazardous areas. Analysis (Hambati, 2011) reveals that people living and working in Mwanza City are vulnerable to natural, manmade and human-induced hazards and disasters. The Mirongo River runs through the city and flows into Lake Victoria. The river has a history of causing frequent, severe floods which have not only destroyed homes and infrastructure but also resulted in a number of fatalities. For the period , about 281 disasters were reported resulting in 3,227 deaths, 718 injuries and property damages to a total of 3,377 houses. GIS analysis from the same study showed that there is variation on density of built up land particularly on hazardous areas. More residential pressure among low-income households is put on the gentle slopes and steep hillsides than on the valley 84

86 bottoms of the city. Rapid population growth and proliferation of informal settlements, coupled with lack of basic services coverage in these areas, has therefore increased people s vulnerability to disaster risks. Mwanza City lacks sustainable slope management and erosion control practices to curb the possible threat of rock fall. In some parts of the city, development is taking place on steep rocky slopes, an example of which are unplanned settlements. Moreover, illegal quarrying activities have been destabilizing these areas which could potentially lead to accidental rock fall and loss of life. The city needs to implement and enforce sustainable slope management and erosion control policies that reduce the occurrence of accidental rock fall to a minimum as well as protect the surrounding area (Mwanza City Council, 2016). Urban Planning Context and Related Institutions and Political Economy Review of Previous Master Plans Past master plans had been prepared for Mwanza, but only two had been adopted by the city. The 1992 Master Plan and 1993 Central Area Redevelopment Plan were prepared and adopted by the city for a 20- year planning horizon. Reviews of previous master plans observe that the plans themselves were not effective in guiding urban spatial growth (See Table 23 for details). Land use on planned land largely respects the original intent of master plans, but differences in built environments of planned versus unplanned settlements are not significant. Delayed infrastructure provision appears to be a driving reason for this. Another trend noted is the prevalence of DPS that operate in an independent and fragmented fashion due to the lack of GPS. As in other cities, interviewees noted that detailed planning schemes are oftentimes created but not followed by survey plans, which leads to development taking place in ways that are inconsistent with the DPS. Table 23: Key Features of Previous Master Plans in Mwanza City Central Area Redevelopment Plan Main Objectives Development Strategies Guide and promote the orderly growth and efficient utilization of land in Mwanza 1. Optimization of land utilization and environmental protection 2. Grouping together compatible land uses and separating incompatible ones; 3. Development of neighborhoods and communities in four phases as a way of economizing public sector investments; Guide policy and decision making for all future land uses and infrastructure development; become a great commercial center in the Great Lake Zone and California of Africa 85 Intensify use of central area by proposing planning and capacity standards, circulation system, efficient land use distribution and measures to uplift skyline and townscape 1. Four major zones commercial cum residential, commercial and office, open spaces and parks, communication and transport 2. Mixed use development 3. Demolish business establishments operating in dilapidated/temporary structures and incompatible uses

87 Implementation mechanisms Population projections Planning boundary 4. New district centers at Ilemela, Buswelu and Nyegezi; and 5. Focus on economic productivity that raises and improves incomes and standards of living 1. Classify environmentally sensitive areas and specify developable and nondevelopable areas 2. Systematic phasing of capital improvement projects Population projected to increase to 1,187,200 by 2012 Boundary increased from 15.2 km 2 (pre-independence) to km 2 (post-1978) Planning documents such as implementation plan, costing, urban development staging and work program, planning briefs for DPS/ urban renewal schemes/ regularization schemes are missing Population projected to increase to 997,267 by 2028 from base population of 556, Renovate semi-permanent structures to accommodate residential and commercial use 5. Propose building heights for each urban block 6. Development of civic square with commercial complex 7. Nyamagana Hill as city park and other monuments identified for building conservation 8. Mandatory provision of arcades 9. Buffer zone established along Mirongo river 1. Place Marketing policy 2. Public-private partnerships 3. Formation of steering committee 4. Revision of LG Act No. 8 of Implementation phasing 6. Annual monitoring hectares To date, a current master plan for has been developed and is nearing adoption. At the time of the research team s field visit in May 2017, the public comment period on the plan had already been completed, and comments were submitted to the MLHHSD for their consideration and incorporation into the plan. The plan was anticipated to be officially approved and launched by August or September. The draft is reportedly already being utilized to some degree, but given limited budgets, it is primarily being used to guide new detailed planning schemes and the review of building permit applications. Planning staff reported that the budget needed for meaningful implementation of the plan is not available, and so the planning department is prioritizing the development of detailed planning schemes and procedural tasks. Budget limitations were reported to be even more severe than in the past, as property tax revenue has not been returned by the Ministry of Finance, nor has the statutory land rent share of 30% of local collections. Urban Form and Spatial Development 86

88 Mwanza has been perhaps Tanzania s most committed practitioner of regularization planning. Planning staff reported that infrastructure set asides and public spaces are achieved without compensation. Areas which are prioritized for regularization planning are those that are neither hazard lands nor official way leaves; areas which are not so densely developed that it will be impossible to achieve space for infrastructure; and areas where there is the sufficient undeveloped space or wide enough road/walking path networks that every plot will be accessible by road. One of the city s flagship projects is the 3,500 Housing Plots Project, which sought to address the housing shortage problem and prevent informal squatting in the city. The project began with planning the selected sites and surveying plots in Buswelu, Nyegezi, Kiseke and Nyamhongolo. The city then requested a loan in the amount of Tshs 830 million (approximately USD 830,000) from the MLHHSD for compensation and for the provision of gravel roads and culverts. Constructed started in Buswelu, other facilities included in the plan were a government district headquarters, district hospital, municipal hall and stadium, among others. Land in this area was sold at a rate of Tshs 800/m 2 and the average price of these plots were as follows: High density Tshs 400,000; medium density Tshs 600,000 and low density Tshs 800,000. All 1,300 plots in the Buswelu area were sold within the first two weeks of the first month and the demand remains very high. The project provided new opportunities for residents to obtain plots in the city; it is a significant milestone in enhancing the city s image (Mwanza City Council). As of May 2017, a total of 35,000 plots is reported to have been regularized. Tanga Geography and Physical Characteristics Tanga City is the district and regional administrative capital and commercial hub of Tanga region, it is also the fourth largest city in the country after Dar es Salaam, Mwanza and Mbeya. The Tanga City Council was established in The city is made up of four divisions, 24 urban and rural wards, 146 mtaas, 23 villages and 129 hamlets (or vitongoji) (Tanga City Council website). Figure 28: Location of Tanga City Tanga City is the oldest city in the country. Its history can be traced all the way back to the 11th century when the Persians migrated to the city and brought with them goods and cultures of Chinese, Indian, Arab and European influence. Earliest documentation, however, comes from the Portuguese who established Tanga as a trading post Source: Tanga City Council for their East African colonies. By the 1880s, German colonists settled in Tanga City and it was during this period when it became a military station and district office that significant development took place. Following national independence in 1961, Tanga still 87

89 remained a commercial, administrative, transportation, industrial hub and gateway for much of Eastern and Central Africa with the rest of the world despite economic and industrial decline in the 1970s. However, it is in a state of revival following the collapse of the world market in the 1970s. It was once the world s leading producer and exporter of sisal. Its growth attracted rapid migration from other regions. Reviving and restructuring the economy remains one of Tanga s most critical challenge to date. It was elevated to city status in 2005 (Tanga City Council, 2015). Figure 29: Administrative areas of Tanga City Council Tanga City is a coastal port located on the northeast coast of Tanzania along the Indian Ocean. Tanga City covers an area of approximately 662 sq. km. (also its official planning area), of which 16 percent is covered by water and the remaining 84 percent is land. The area is characterized by a predominantly flat plain with some small, gently sloping hills punctuated by river valleys and streams that drain into the ocean. It is surrounded by the Kilimanjaro and Manyara regions to the west, Morogoro and Pwani to the south, the Indian Ocean to the east and Kenya to the north (Tanga City Council, 2015). It is conveniently accessible by road, rail and air to other districts in Tanzania. In terms of road, Source: Tanga City Council Tanga City is well connected within and to other major urban centers using all-weather and tarmac roads. The city is connected to the Tanzania-Kenya border as well as to Mombasa, a major port along the coast of Kenya. Tanga is also served by the Tanga railway line that travels directly to Dar es Salaam. It is also a coastal terminal of the oldest railway line in Tanzania which connects Tanga to Moshi and Arusha in the north and Kigoma in the west. It may even be possible to travel by rail to Lumubashi in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Cape Town in South Africa via Kapiri Mposhi in Zambia, and Kasese in Western Uganda, however some of these connections are presently out of operation. The city has a domestic airport which can only handle small and medium-sized planes for business travelers and tourists. (Tanga City Council, 2015). Demographic and Social Context Decline in Tanga s population growth rate (despite continued growth of the overall population) may be explained by the gradual collapse of the sisal industry. According to the 2012 Population and Housing Census, Tanga City grew from 242,640 inhabitants in 2002 to 273,332 in 2012 at an annual growth rate of 1.2 percent. The rate of population growth is considerably less than the regional and national growth rates of 2.2 percent and 2.7 percent, respectively. Prior to this, the population had been growing faster than its current rate at 2.5 percent ( ) and 1.88 percent ( ) (URT, 2016h). Reason for this decline may be due to the gradual collapse of the sisal industry and other associated industries, which was historically the key economic driver that led to the city s growth. Sisal was introduced in 1893, and Tanga became the world s largest producer and exporter of sisal. Because the industry was labor- 88