2013 ISSN: JATLaC Journal 8: t 1. t t Chomsky 1993 I Radford (2009) R I t t R I 2. t R t (1) (= R's (15), p. 86) He could have helped

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1 t 1. tt Chomsky 1993 IRadford (2009) R Itt R I 2. t R t (1) (= R's (15), p. 86) He could have helped her, or [she have helped him]. 2 have I has had I I could ellipsis I gapping R (2) (= R (18), p.88) *He could have helped her, or she've helped him. she have Ishe've I (2)I could Idelete could R could deletion (6) (7) (1) (3) (3) He could have helped her, or she could have helped him. (3) she have could could delete could t t n t ti I t

2 I I n ti t 1 (4) (5) I n t I(4) will t (4) You will marry me. (5) Will you marry me? (R (1), p. 120 ) ti(4) I (6) will you will marry me tdeletion I (6) will t (7) (= (5)) (7) Will you will marry me? (7)head movement I wh- ti (8) (9) I (8) (= R (28), p. 162) Who were you phoning? (9) a. you were phoning who were who t b. who were you were phoning who t c. Who were you were phoning who? t I(9c) were whoi I t I 1 n The PF deletion operation is, very likely, a subcase of a broader principle that applies in ellipsis and other constructions (Chomsky 1993, p. 35).

3 I nchomsky 1993 CH trace t I R t θ 3.1. (5) (6) will you will marry me t(7) PF will 1 LF I I (6) 1 2 will I(5) I t I(10) (10) You will marry me. I(5) will complementizer 2 I (10)I 2 R (i) (= R (42a,b), p. 97) a. We didn't know [if he had resigned]. b. We didn't know [that he had resigned]. it is plausible to suppose that the force of the clause is determined by a force feature carried by the italicized complementizer introducing the clause: in other words, the bracketed clause is interrogative in force in [(ia)] because it is introduced by the interrogative complementizer if, and is declarative in force in [(ib)] because it is introduced by the declarative complementizer that (ibid.). R that ø I ellipsis I I ø interrogative force feature I

4 (6) echo question (11)(6) LF I will Iø Int (23) 2 (11) ø Int you will marry me? I will I (5) Will you marry me? I (12) I wonder [if you will marry me]. if you will marry me Will you will marry me? ø will II 3 if you will marry me Will you will marry me? t I Iwill will I if if if t Chomsky 1998 I if will 4 3 if you will marry me Will you marry me? I 4 CHnumeration if will n t I numeration IWill you marry me? I(i) ø Int, you, will, marry, me numeration if you will marry me (ii) ø Int, if, you, will, marry, me numeration (ii) if I will if will will will t ø Int 2 if ø Int I t 1 I tn t numeration I (ii) numeration n tif t I ti

5 will wh if (13) (13) a. Who will you marry? b. I wonder [who you will marry]. (13a) will if (13b)IIwho you if Doubly Filled Comp Filter (Chomsky and Lasnik 1977) R Complementizer Condition (14) Complementizer Condition An overt complementizer (like that/for/if) cannot have an overt specifier in the superficial structure of a sentence. (14) C specifier what if C I IIif (15b) ø will if (13a) will I (14) I will C I if (15a,b) (15) a. CP b. CP PRN C' PRN C' who C TP who C TP will you will marry who ø/*if you will marry who CH C e.g. Chomsky 1995Iif I I (5) R affixali p. 122I don't know [what ø you like] I I yes I SAI (subject-auxiliary inversion)i I n t I explanatory adequacy IRadford 2009 Chomsky 1993 I

6 (15a) will C I (14) will θi will if you will marry me Will you will marry me? ø I(5) will ItI will I t ti I ti 1 I I (16) (17) will can (18)I (16) You will speak English. (17) You can speak English. (18) You will be able to speak English. (19) will can I (19) *You will can speak English. t ti I(17)(21)I(20) II (20) Can you t speak English? (21) *Will you can speak English? (20) I 2 I I C will can I(21)I 1 I(21) I t I I (6) I(6)(22)

7 (22) will you will marry me (21) I TP I you can speak English I can ti n t numeration 4 willt (21)= (18) I I t R (20) I C strong tense feature ø Int I can(23) 4 IT can ti n t will ø Int II (23) CP C TP ø Int PRN T' you T VP can speak English n t will ø n ti I n t will I CH feature checking Chomsky 1993, 1995 n ti I I (21) overgeneratet 5,6 5 R interpretable feature I / Ip. 242/ valuen t n t In t

8 3.2. tt Chain 1 θ (24) θ Theta Criterion Each argument α appears in a chain containing a unique visible θ-position P, and each θ- position P is visible in a chain containing a unique argument α (Chomsky 1986: 97). ø øt 1 I I I Iunvalued tense feature/ I R controversial Chomsky 1998 I Agreeunvalued features feature valuationi φ-features unvalued In t Ibe I finite/nonfinitei Rizzi 1997 Finiteness Phrase n t finiteness feature I be I I nonfinite R BE 6 I Case I In ti I he himn t I 6 ø Int I I Iφ-features I φ-features do, have, be n t I II R There's only me going to the party is I me I be is do, have, be I 5 IR do does I t(21) *Does you can speak English?

9 II (8)I Iwh- t 1 øi (25) (= R's (22), p. 160) Joe wonders which picture of himself Jim bought. himself Joe Jim I I himself Jim c- I (25) himself = Jim 2 It (25) I (26) a. Joe wonders [which picture of himself] Jim i bought [which picture of himself i ] b. Joe j wonders [which picture of himself j ] Jim bought [which picture of himself] (25) which picture of himself bought I t bought It himself Governing Category Jim = (26a)t himself I himself c- Joe = (26b) 2 t (25) I(which picture of) himself 2 t ø 2 t I (27) *Joe j wonders [which picture of himself j ] Jim i bought [which picture of himself i ] t I t LF (27) I (27)(28) I (28) Joe j told himself j that Jim i loved himself i. I(27) I

10 (28) (27) 2 which picture of himself 1 I (28) himself j himself i told loved Iø I t II II (26b)which picture of himself t Iwh- I ø t (29) (29) I wonder [who they want to succeed]. (29) I 2 succeed who succeed (30) a. who they want who to succeed b. succeed (31a) who succeed I (31) a. who they want PRO to succeed who b. himself = Joe (26b)(29) who who succeed I (30) (31) (30) (31)t who Interrogative ConditionLF I (32) = R's (24), p. 161 A clause is interpreted as a non-echoic question if (and only if) it is a CP with an interrogative specifier (i.e. a specifier containing an interrogative word).

11 who they want to succeed Iwonder s-selection(29)i(29) (29)I (33) (33) a. who i they want t i to succeed b. who j they want PRO to succeed t j (33a,b) {who i, t i } {who j, t j } 1 I I I who succeed (33a,b) 2 I(29) 3.3. ø I R t I I (34) (= R (18b), p. 157) What hope could there be of finding any survivors? Iθ what hope of finding any survivors I(34)(35) (35) could there be [what hope of finding any survivors] (36) what hope 2 I (36) QP Q NP what N PP hope of finding any survivors (35)

12 R ti could (37) a. could there be [what hope of finding any survivors] b. [what hope of finding any survivors] could there be [what hope of finding any survivors] c. [what hope of finding any survivors] could there be [what hope of finding any survivors] (37a) what hope of finding any survivors be 1 what hope of finding any survivors t = (37b)(37c)R discontinuous spellout I I what hope I of finding any survivors t t tr t I ti I (37c) PP of finding any survivors I t what hope II 1 I what hope I (35) (37c) (34)t 3.4. Chomsky 1993 I t R I I CH t (38) (= CH (28), p. 34) (Guess) [[ wh- in which house] John lived t] CH LF (39) (39) in which house t 2 (39) (= CH (31), p. 35)

13 [ wh- in which house] John lived [ wh- in which house] (39)wh- I LF I CH I C t I (38) (40a,b) 2 I LF I (41a,b) (40) a. The old one. b. That (house). (41) (CH (33), p. 35) a. [which x, x a house] John lived [in x] b. [which x] John lived [in [x house]] R (42) (42) a. [in which house] John lived [in which house] b. [in which house] John lived [in which house] øch LF I (41a,b) LF It R CH (41a,b) I R In the present case (perhaps generally), these choices need not be specified; other options will crash (Chomsky 1993, p. 36). II (41) (42) (42b) in house (43) I (37c)I (43) PP P QP in Q N which house

14 (41) (42)R 1 R I I I LF I (42)ILF II I t (38)(40a,b) ILF (41) I t t (41) (42) I I t 4. ti wh-in-situ R A further possibility which this [= t] opens up is that wh-in-situ structures in languages like Chinese may involve wh-movement, but with the moved wh-expression being spelled out in its initial position (at the foot of the movement chain) rather than in its final position (at the head of the movement chain) (p. 160). wh- wh- ti t I I I 1 wh- Iwh-subjacency (44) I (44) I wh- I [Spec, C] I(44) (45a)I (45b) book

15 complex NP who subjacency I (45) a. *Who did you buy a book that wrote? b. Who did you buy [a book [OP that who wrote OP]] (44) I [Spec, C]It (45a) (44) subjacency tr wh- I t I I t I I Chomsky, N "A minimalist program for linguistic theory," in Hale, K. and S. J. Keyser (eds), The view from building 20. MIT Press: Cambridge, Mass. pp Chomsky, N Knowledge of language: its nature, origin, and use. Praeger: New York. Chomsky, N The minimalist program. MIT Press: Cambridge, Mass. Chomsky, N Minimalist inquiries: the framework. MIT Occasional Papers in Linguistics 15. MITWPL: Cambridge, Mass. Chomsky, N. and H. Lasnik "Filters and control," Linguistic Inquiry 8: Radford, A An introduction to English sentence structure. Oxford University Press: Oxford. Rizzi, L "The fine structure of the left periphery," in Haegeman, L (ed), Elements of grammar. Kluwer: Dordrecht. pp