Anticyclic Tone Polarity in Asante Twi

Transcription

1 Anticyclic Tone Polarity in Jochen Trommer Department of Linguistics University of Leipzig Tromsø- May / 86

2 Introduction Introduction 2 / 86

3 Tone Polarity Introduction A tone in a morphologically derived form is systematically different from an underlying tone of the base form 3 / 86

4 Introduction Standard/Cyclic Tone Polarity An affix tone is systematically different from the closest base tone 4 / 86

5 Introduction Standard/Cyclic Tone Polarity In some languages, certain affixes have tones that are fully predictable from the tone of the foot to which they attach, but instead of receiving their tone by spreading in the usual way they show a tone that is the opposite of the neighbouring tone. Words that end in L take H affixes, and words that end in H take L affixes. This is termed polarity (Yip, 2002:159) Stem L Affix H Stem H Affix L (see also Pulleyblank 1986 on Margi, Kenstowicz et al. on Mooré, Antilla & Bodomo 2001 on Dagaare, Trommer 2005 on Kanuri) 5 / 86

6 Introduction Problems with Tone Polarity in Tone Polarity is anticyclic: Polarity surfaces on stems and floating tones, not on affixes Polarity is triggered by tones originating in distinct morphosyntactic words 6 / 86

7 Introduction Tone Polarity in the Perfect (Paster 2010) 7 / 86

8 Introduction Tone Polarity in the Perfect Underlying Tone (Habitual) Polar Tone (Perfect) Noun H/Verb H ésí tó ésí á-tò Noun L/Verb H yàw tó yàw à-tó Noun H/Verb LH ésí bìsá ésí á-! bísá Noun L/Verb LH yàw bìsá yàw à-bísá 8 / 86

9 Proposal Introduction Polarity in is cyclic & of the Base Affix type Several markers of sentence-level inflection in Asante attach morphologically to preceding subjects, not to following verbs The location of polar tones is opaque generated at the Word Level on an affix and subsequently shifted across words at the Phrase Level 9 / 86

10 Introduction Paster s Morphosyntactic Bracketing Subject Perfect a- Verb Negative Habitual n- Negative Past a- n- Negative Future H- n- Future Progressive be- `V- Past L- -`V Negative Perfect n- H- 10 / 86

11 Introduction Proposed Morphosyntactic Bracketing Subject Perfect -a Verb Negative Habitual -n Negative Past -a -n Negative Future -H -n Future Progressive be- `V- Past L- -`V Negative Perfect -n H- 11 / 86

12 Theoretical Assumptions Theoretical Assumptions 12 / 86

13 Theoretical Assumptions Theoretical Assumptions (Trommer 2011) Stratal OT: (Bermúdez-Otero 2012) Root-Level Stem-Level, and Word-Level Evaluations feed each other serially. Different levels have potentially different optimality-theoretic constraint rankings Colored Containment: (van Oostendorp 2006) Underlying material (i.e. nodes and association lines) is never literally deleted, but retained in the output, and marked as phonetically invisible. Doubling: (cf. Doubling in Correspondence Theory, McCarthy & Prince 1995) All markedness constraints are assumed to exist in two versions, one referring only to phonetically visible material, and one to all material in a given structure. 13 / 86

14 Analytic Assumptions Theoretical Assumptions Tone Polarity is an OCP effect Opacity follows from derivational ordering and constraint reranking in Stratal OT 14 / 86

15 Theoretical Assumptions Syntagmatic Polarity and the OCP (Leben 1973, Myers 1997) Obligatory Contour Principle: Avoid identical tones linked to adjacent syllables Stem L Stem L Affix H Affix L OCP *! Stem H Stem H Affix H Affix L OCP *! 15 / 86

16 Polarity and Opacity in KOnni Polarity and Opacity in KOnni 16 / 86

17 Polarity and Opacity in KOnni Tone Polarity in KOnni (Cahill 2004:14) Root Plural Stem Tone Suffix Tone tàn tàn-á L H stone(s) bì:s bì:s-á L H breast(s) sí sí-à H L fish(es) zùnzú zùnzú-à H L maggot(s) 17 / 86

18 Polarity and Opacity in KOnni Failure of Polarity in more Complex Forms (Cahill 2004) Noun Class Sg. Sg.Def. Pl. Pl.Def. 1 bì:s-ín bì:s-ìrí bì:s-á bì:s-á-há breast 2 gbǎ:-n gbà:-kú gbà:-tí gbà:-tí-tí courtyard 3 nánjú-n nánjú-ká nánjú-sí nánjú-sí-sí fly 4 nˇo-n nò m-bú nò n-tí nò n-tí-tí meat 18 / 86

19 Polarity and Opacity in KOnni Analysis: Polarity = OCP-effects + Opacity Polar plural affixes are attached at the Stem Level, definite plural affixes at the Word Level At the Stem Level the OCP is high-ranked, at the Word Level the OCP is low-ranked The Stem Level doesn t integrate floating features, the Word Level does integrate them No OCP-effects for Word-Level affixes and underlyingly floating features 19 / 86

20 Polarity and Opacity in KOnni Constraints τ σ τ σ OCP Dep Dep τ Assign to every syllable which is not associated to a tone Assign to every tone which is not associated to a syllable Assign to every pair of identical tones which are phonetically associated to adjacent syllable edges Assign to every morphological tone-syllable pair which is not asscociated morphologically, but phonetically Assign to every tone which is phonetic, but not morphological 20 / 86

21 Polarity and Opacity in KOnni Anti-Tautomorphemicity Constraint (van Oostendorp 2007) Alternation: Assign to every phonetic association line between tautomorphemic nodes (undominated - never violated in KOnni) 21 / 86

22 Polarity and Opacity in KOnni Plural (Definite): Stem Level Input: = d. L H τ σ Dep OCP Dep τ τ σ a. tan -a L L * b. tan -a L *! c. tan -a L *! d. tan -a *! 22 / 86

23 Polarity and Opacity in KOnni Plural Definite: Word Level Input: = b. τ σ τ σ Dep τ Dep OCP L H H a. tan -a -ha *! L H H b. tan -a -ha * 23 / 86

24 Polarity and Opacity in KOnni Pure H-Stems vs. H + Floating-H Stems (Cahill 2004:7) H H L H H H H L mug -a mug -a Ãag -a Ãag -a 24 / 86

25 Polarity and Opacity in KOnni Floating-H Stem: Stem Level Input: = d. τ σ Dep OCP Dep τ τ σ H H L a. Ãag -a H H H b. Ãag -a H H c. Ãag -a H H d. Ãag -a * *! * *! * *! * 25 / 86

26 Polarity and Opacity in KOnni Floating-H Stem: Word Level Input: = c. τ σ τ σ Dep τ Dep OCP H H L a. Ãag -a HLH L b. Ãag -a H H L *! ** * * c. Ãag -a *! 26 / 86

27 Polarity and Opacity in KOnni Crucial Counterbleeding Opacity in KOnni The OCP triggers insertion of a L-tone although this does not surface in a position that would avoid an OCP-violation H H Ãag -a H H L Ãag -a H H L Ãag -a 27 / 86

28 28 / 86

29 Data Major dialect of Akan, spoken by 2.8 million people in the South of Ghana Niger-Congo > Atlantic Congo > Kwa Complex and poorly understood two-tone system (see e.g. Dolphyne 1988, Marfo 2005, Kügler and Genzel 2012 for divergent views) All data in this talk are from Paster (2010) 29 / 86

30 Data Tone Polarity in Asante (Paster 2010) 30 / 86

31 Tone Polarity in Asante Data Underlying Tone (Habitual) Polar Tone (Perfect) Noun H/Verb H ésí tó ésí á-tò Noun L/Verb H yàw tó yàw à-tó Noun H/Verb LH ésí bìsá ésí á-! bísá Noun L/Verb LH yàw bìsá yàw à-bísá 31 / 86

32 Basic Analysis Basic Analysis 32 / 86

33 Basic Analysis Basic Analysis Perfect a is a tonally underspecified suffix which attaches to the subject noun/pronoun (Stem Level)... becomes floating by a general process which spreads the tone of the root/stressed syllable to the right edge (Word Level)... attaches to the following verb root either overwriting its underlying tone or as downstep (Phrase Level) 33 / 86

34 Basic Analysis Basic Analysis H Stem Level H L Word Level H L si -a si -a sí -a Phrase Level H L H sí -a to 34 / 86

35 Basic Analysis Basic Analysis L Stem Level L H Word Level L H yaw -a yaw -a yaw -a Phrase Level L H L H yaw -a bi sa 35 / 86

36 Perfect: Stem Level Basic Analysis Input: = d. H L τ σ Dep OCP Dep τ τ σ a. si -a H H * b. si -a H *! c. si -a H *! d. si -a *! 36 / 86

37 Basic Analysis Perfect: Word Level Input: = d. τ σ] τ π Dep Max H L a. sí -a H L ** * b. sí -a H L *! * * c. sí -a H L *! * d. sí -a *! 37 / 86

38 Basic Analysis Perfect: Phrase Level Input: = d. H L H τ σ Alt *Cont Dep Max a. sí -a to H L H * * b. sí -a to H L H *! * c. sí -a to H L H *! * * d. sí -a to *! 38 / 86

39 Floating L s and Plateauing Floating L s and Plateauing 39 / 86

40 Plateauing (Phrase Level) Floating L s and Plateauing H L H H! H H 40 / 86

41 Plateauing in Different Contexts Floating L s and Plateauing H L H H! H H Negative Suffix Verb Verb Habitual ésí ḿ bì sá ésí ḿ! mí sá E doesn t ask Future Prefix Verb Verb ésí bé bì sá ésí bé! bí sá E will ask Motional Noun Prefix Verb ésí kò tó-ó é sí kó tó-ó E goes asking 41 / 86

42 Paster (2010) Floating L s and Plateauing Downstep is a floating L-tone: H L H H L H H (cf. also Schuh 1978, Hyman 1979, Pulleyblank 1986) 42 / 86

43 Floating L s and Plateauing 3 Floating L-Tones Past (consistent L on the initial verb-σ) H L... LH Verbs ésí L bì sá ésí bì sá-à E didn t ask H Verbs ésí L tó-ò ésí tò-ò E didn t buy Negative Habitual (consistent downstep on the initial verb-σ) H L... LH Verbs ésí ḿ L mì sá ésí ḿ! mí sá E doesn t ask H Verbs ésí ń L tó ésí ḿ! tó E doesn t buy Perfect (mixed) H L... LH Verbs ésí á L bì sá ésí é! bí sá E has asked H Verbs ésí á L tó ésí á tò E has bought 43 / 86

44 Overwriting in Colored Containment Floating L s and Plateauing τ σ Assign to every tone which is not dominated by a morphological syllable τ σ Assign to every tone which is not phonetically dominated by a morphological syllable 44 / 86

45 Overwriting in Colored Containment Floating L s and Plateauing τ σ requires realization of preassociated and floating tones τ σ favors phonetic realization of floating tones since they can only be associated by overt association τ σ is agnostic about overt association of preassociated tones because their underlying association cannot be completely removed (due to Containment) If a floating and a preassociated tone cannot cooccur due to phonotactics, the floating tone survives and the preassociated tone is overwritten 45 / 86

46 Overwriting in Colored Containment Floating L s and Plateauing Input: = c. τ σ *Rise Max τ τ σ L- H a. σ L- H * * b. σ L- H c. σ *! *! * 46 / 86

47 Floating L s and Plateauing Representation of Tone and Downsteps in Snider (1999) 47 / 86

48 Floating L s and Plateauing Representation of Tone and Downsteps in Snider (1999) Full Representation My Abbreviation l H l H Mid Tone: σ H l H σ H l H Downstepped H: σ σ σ σ 48 / 86

49 Floating L s and Plateauing Underlying Representations L l Perfect: Past: L l (Phrase-Level) (Word Level) l Negative Habitual: (Phrase-Level) 49 / 86

50 Plateauing in Different Contexts Floating L s and Plateauing H L H H! H H Negative Suffix Verb Verb Habitual ésí ḿ bì sá ésí ḿ! mí sá E doesn t ask Future Prefix Verb Verb ésí bé bì sá ésí bé! bí sá E will ask Motional Noun Prefix Verb ésí kò tó-ó é sí kó tó-ó E goes asking 50 / 86

51 No Plateauing Floating L s and Plateauing Root-Root: H L H H L H Habitual Noun Verb Verb ésí bì sá ésí bì sá E asks Past Noun Verb Verb ésí bì sá-à ésí bì sá-à E asked HLLH: Progressive H L L H H L L H Noun Prefix Verb Verb ésí ì bì sá ésí ì bì sá E is asking 51 / 86

52 Generalizations on Downstep Floating L s and Plateauing Downstep only occurs between two H-tone syllables Downstep only occurs at morpheme boundaries 52 / 86

53 Generalizations on Plateauing Floating L s and Plateauing Plateauing always spreads the right H-tone to the left H-tone spread in Plateauing is non-iterative (affects maximally one L-tone σ) Plateauing is blocked between a noun root and a verb root 53 / 86

54 Floating L s and Plateauing Undominated Constraints on Register Tones ll l Assign to every L which is connected to two instances of l H l H Assign to every l-tone which is connected to one H, but not to two adjacent Hs. *R l R A l-register may not be associated to two root morpheme syllables 54 / 86

55 Floating L s and Plateauing More Undominated Constraints on Plateauing * [τ] 3 A tone span should not involve more than two TBUs *Spread-R Assign to every epenthetic association line in a tone span S which is preceded by a colored association line in S. 55 / 86

56 Floating L s and Plateauing Lower Ranked Constraints Governing Plateauing l Assign to every l-register tone which isn t phonetically dominated by a -node * H H Two phonetic H-tones not separated by another phonetic H-tone should be connected Max L Assign to every morphological L-tone which is not phonetic 56 / 86

57 Floating L s and Plateauing Plateauing without Floating L (Future LH-Verb) Input: = c. *R l R H l H l H H Max H Max L H l H a. be bi sa H H * b. be bi sa H L l H *! * c. be bi sa *! 57 / 86

58 Floating L s and Plateauing Plateauing without Floating L (more options) Input: = *Sprd-R H l H l H H Max H Max L H l H a. be bi sa H l H * b. be bi sa H l H *! * c. be bi sa H L H *! * d. be bi sa *! 58 / 86

59 Floating L s and Plateauing Perfect H-Verb (floating L at Phrase Level) Input: = c. H H L σ Max H Max L H L H a. a to H l H * b. a to H L H c. a to *! *! * 59 / 86

60 Floating L s and Plateauing Perfect LH-Verb (floating L at Phrase Level) Input: = c. H H L σ Max H Max L H l l H a. a bi sa H L L H * b. a bi sa H L L H *! c. a bi sa *! 60 / 86

61 Floating L s and Plateauing Negative Habitual H-Verb (floating l at Phrase Level) Input: = c. l H l H L σ Max H Max L H l H a. n to H l H b. n to H l H *! * c. n to *! 61 / 86

62 Floating L s and Plateauing Negative Habitual LH-Verb (floating l at Phrase Level) Input: = c. l ll l H l H Max H Max L H l l H a. m bi sa H l L H *! * b. m bi sa H l L H *! *! c. m bi sa *! 62 / 86

63 Floating L s and Plateauing Past H-Verb (floating L at Word Level) Input: = c. τ σ *Rise τ π Max H... L H a. L to H * * b. to L H *! c. to *! 63 / 86

64 Floating L s and Plateauing Past H-Verb (Phrase Level) Input: = d. H l H *R l R l *HLH Max H H L H a. si] R R [bi sa H l H *! b. si] R R [bi sa H l H *! c. si] R R [bi sa H L H *! d. si] R R [bi sa * 64 / 86

65 Floating H s and Nasal Doubling Floating H s and Nasal Doubling 65 / 86

66 3 Floating H-Tones Floating H s and Nasal Doubling Perfect (Consistent H on initial V-σ) L H... LH Verbs yàw à H bì sá yàw è bísá Y has asked H Verbs yàw à H tó yàw à tó Y has bought Negative Perfect (Consistent H on initial V-σ) H H... LH Verbs yàw ǹ H bì sá yàw `m mísá Y hasn t asked H Verbs yàw ǹ H tó yàw ǹ tó Y hasn t bought Negative Future (Consistent H on doubled negative -n) H H... LH Verbs yàw H ǹ bì sá yàw ḿḿ! mísá Y won t ask H Verbs yàw H ǹ tó yàw ńń! tó Y won t buy 66 / 86

67 Floating H s and Nasal Doubling Perfect LH-Verb (*R l R blocks downstep) Input: = c. *R l R H l H H σ l H H Max L L H H a. a bi sa L H l H * * b. a bi sa L H L H *! * c. a bi sa *! * 67 / 86

68 Floating H s and Nasal Doubling Nasal Doubling in the Negative Future 68 / 86

69 Nasal Doubling Floating H s and Nasal Doubling The future negative allomorph is H A (negative) nasal must share the tone with another segment If the preceding (pro)noun tone is H the H s fuse and are shared by (pro)noun + nasal if a preceding pronoun is L, future H overwrites the pronominal tone if a preceding noun is L, negative n is doubled 69 / 86

70 Floating H s and Nasal Doubling Additional Constraints for the Negative Future [ σ N σ ] τ A tone span covering a nasal should contain at least two syllables Max τ Lex Preserve morphological tones of lexical root morphemes *H l Don t connect a l-register tone to a H-tone 70 / 86

71 Floating H s and Nasal Doubling Negative Future H-Noun (floating H + l at Word Level) Input: = d. [ σ N σ ] τ H σ Max τ Lex Max τ Dep Seg *H l l π H H l a. si n H H l b. si n n H H l *! c. si n H H l d. si n *! *! * 71 / 86

72 Floating H s and Nasal Doubling Negative Future H-Noun (more options) Input: = [ σ N σ ] τ H σ Max τ Lex Max τ Dep Seg *H l l π H H l a. si n H H l b. si n H H l *! c. si n *! 72 / 86

73 Floating H s and Nasal Doubling Negative Future L-Noun (floating H + l at Word Level) Input: = c. [ σ N σ ] τ H σ Max τ Lex Max τ Dep Seg *H l l π L H l a. yaw n n L H l * b. yaw n L H l *! c. yaw n L H l d. yaw n *! *! * 73 / 86

74 Floating H s and Nasal Doubling Negative Future L-Pronoun (floating H + l at Word Level) Input: = c. [ σ N σ ] τ H σ Max τ Lex Max τ Dep Seg *H l l π L H l a. o n n L H l *! b. o L H n l c. o n L H l d. o n *! *! * 74 / 86

75 Segmental Processes Segmental Processes 75 / 86

76 Segmental Processes Segmental Processes Vowel Spreading Vowel Harmony Nasal Place Assimilation 76 / 86

77 Vowel Spreading Segmental Processes 77 / 86

78 [ATR]-Harmony Segmental Processes V[-ATR] [+ATR] / V[+high +ATR] affects all functional elements to the left of V i.e., pronouns, but not nouns 78 / 86

79 [ATR]-Harmony Segmental Processes 79 / 86

80 Segmental Processes Nasal Place Assimilation (Negative Habitual) 80 / 86

81 Summary Summary 81 / 86

82 Summary Proposed Morphosyntactic Bracketing Subject Perfect -a Verb Negative Habitual -n Negative Past -a -n Negative Future -H -n Future Progressive be- `V- Past L- -`V Negative Perfect -n H- 82 / 86

83 Summary Spreading Processes Subject Affix Tone spreading Subject Affix Nasal Doubling Subject Affix Vowel Spreading Subject Affix Affix Verb Association of Floating-Tone affixes Affix Verb Vowel harmony Affix Verb Nasal Place Assimilation Affix Verb Subject Affix Verb Tone Polarity Subject Affix Verb Plateauing 83 / 86

84 Summary Summary Anticyclicity A speculative morphosyntactic structure allows for a coherent picture of stratal tonology: Word Level: Polarity Unconditional realization of floating tones Phrase Level: Plateauing Conditional realization of floating tones More potential anticyclicity: Phrase-level plateauing has access to properties of morphemes (root vs. affix, lexical vs. functional) 84 / 86

85 Summary References Dolphyne, F. A. (1988). The Akan (Twi-Fante) Language: Its Sound Systems and Tonal Structure. Ghana University Press., Accra. Hyman, L. (1979). A reanalysis of tonal downstep. Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, 1:9 29. Kügler, F. and Genzel, S. (2012). On the prosodic expression of pragmatic prominence: The case of pitch register lowering in akan. Language and Speech, 55: Marfo, C. (2005). Aspects of Akan Grammar and the phonology-syntax interface. PhD thesis, Trondheim University. Paster, M. (2010). The verbal morphology and phonology of. Studies in African Linguistics, 39(1): Pulleyblank, D. (1986). Tone in Lexical Phonology. Reidel, Dordrecht. Schuh, R. (1978). Tone rules. In Fromkin, V., editor, Tone: A Linguistic Survey, pages Academic Press. Snider, K. ((1999)). The Geometry and Features of Tone. The Summer Institute of Linguistics and The University of Texas at Arlington, Dallas:. 85 / 86

86 Overview Summary 1 Introduction 2 Theoretical Assumptions 3 Polarity and Opacity in KOnni 4 Data Basic Analysis Floating L s and Plateauing Floating H s and Nasal Doubling Segmental Processes 5 Summary 86 / 86