PERSONAL VALUES AS FACTORS IN ANTI-SEMITISM

Transcription

1 PERSONAL VALUES AS FACTORS IN ANTI-SEMITISM By R ichard I. Evans A THESIS Subm itted t o th e School of G raduate S tu d ies of M ichigan S ta te C ollege o f A g ric u ltu re and A pplied S cience in p a r t i a l f u lf illm e n t of th e requirem ents f o r th e degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY D epartm ent o f P sychology 1950

2 ACKNOWLEDGMENT The w r ite r w ishes to thank Dr. M ilton Rokeach f o r h is c r itic is m and ad v ice in th e w ritin g of th is d is s e r ta tio n. The w r ite r a lso w ishes to th an k Dr. S. Howard B a rtle y, Dr. M. Ray Denny, Dr. Donald M. Johnson, and Dr. H arry Sundwall f o r t h e i r v a lu a b le s u g g e stio n s, and Dr. D aniel J. Levinson o f Harvard U n iv e rsity f o r h is kindness in p e rm ittin g th e u se o f th e A nti-s em itism S c ale. i f * * * * i f * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

3 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION... 1 G eneral Problem... 2 C r ite r ia o f Values and P re ju d ic e... 6 HYPOTHESES TO BE TESTED KSmODOLOGY Sample* P r o c e d u r e A n aly sis of D ata RESULTS DISCUSSION OF RESULTS SUMMARY BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX APPENDIX I I APPENDIX I I I APPENDIX IV APPENDIX V... 90

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

5 INTRODUCTION In th e p a s t s e v e ra l y e a rs th e r e has been a tre n d in s o c ia l psychology and p e rs o n a lity re se a rc h tow ard stu d y in g th e p e rs o n a lity of th e s o -c a lle d p re ju d ic e d individual'*' in term s of comparing i t w ith th e p e r s o n a lity of th e s o -c a lle d u n p reju d ic ed in d iv id u a l. Led by th e exc e lle n t c o n trib u tio n s o f in v e s tig a to r s such as Adorno e t a l ( 1 ), H a rtle y (2 1 ), A llp o rt and Kramer ( 4 ), Rokeach (3 9 ), R o senblith (4 0 ), and Gough (1 9 ), th e tre n d has r e s u lte d i n not only a c le a r e r p ic tu re of th e p e r s o n a lity s tr u c tu r e of t h e p re ju d ic e d in d iv id u a l, b u t has in d ic a te d s tro n g ly t h a t p re ju d ic e tow ard m in o rity groups tends to be only one o f a c o n s te lla tio n o f a ttitu d e s th a t in t e r a c t in such a mann e r t h a t th e in d iv id u a l p o sse ssin g i t m ight w e ll b e d e scrib ed as an " a n ti-d e m o c ra tic p e r s o n a lity ", a p h ra se su g g ested by Adorno, e t a l ( 1 ), 4 ' An in d iv id u a l i n our s o c ie ty who i s q u ite concerned w ith th e problem o f t h e e f fe c t of th e p resen ce o f th e s e undem ocratic in d iv id u a ls m ight w e ll r a is e th e q u e stio n o f e x a c tly what th e purpose o f th e s e p e r s o n a lity s tu d ie s m ight be i n term s o f re o rg a n iz in g th e behavi o r p a tte rn s of in d iv id u a ls p o sse ssin g them. In th e w r ite r s o p in im, oonibatting p re ju d ic e and r e la te d a ttitu d e s and b eh av io r hinges prim ari l y on a thoro u g h knowledge of th e p e r s o n a lity of th e p re ju d ic e d in d iv id u a l. Only th ro u g h such knowledge can we hope t o b eg in to u n d erstan d what th e e s s e n tia l f a c to rs in a re -e d u c a tio n program would have to b e. We m ight lik e n th is s itu a tio n to th e th e ra p e u tio s itu a tio n * The term " p re ju d ic e " r e f e r s h ere t o b ia s e d, d isc rim in a tin g a ttitu d e s and b eh av io r tow ard members o f m in o rity groups.

6 betw een p s y c h ia tr is t and p a tie n t* The p s y c h ia tr is t could h ard ly even beg in to e f f e c t a cure w ith o u t as n e a rly a com plete u n d erstan d in g of th e p a tie n t1s p e rs o n a lity as is p o s sib le f o r th e p s y c h ia tr is t t o obta in * ^ The problem is f u r th e r com plicated by th e f a c t th a t we a r e, as we a tte m p t t o re -e d u c a te th e b ig o ts, in r e a l i t y d e alin g w ith a g re a t number o f in d iv id u a l p e r s o n a litie s sim u ltan eo u sly. I t i s f o r t h i s reaso n p a r tic u la r ly im p o rtan t t o determ ine what th e p e r s o n a litie s of p re ju d ic e d in d iv id u a ls have i n common. From t h i s sta n d p o in t th e p re v io u sly m entioned s tu d ie s have p a r tic u la r s ig n if ic a n c e. They have dem onstrated t h a t c e r ta in p e rs o n a lity v a r ia b le s a re t o be found in in t o le r a n t in d iv id u a ls as a group, j u s t as c e r ta in p e rs o n a lity v a ria b le s a re to b e found in to le r a n t in d iv id u a ls as a group. I t is w ith t h i s o r ie n ta tio n t h a t th e w r ite r has proceeded in th e p re se n t stu d y. Any co nclusions t h a t may be reached which te n d to in d ic a te p e rs o n a lity t r a i t s th a t p re ju d ic e d in d iv id u a ls have i n common, th e w r ite r f e e l s, w ill- add t o th e com prehensive knowledge of th e p e r s o n a lity o f th e in to le r a n t in d iv id u a l t h a t we must have b e fo re we can s u c c e s s fu lly execu te a d eep -ro o ted re -e d u c a tio n program aimed a t re ducing m in o rity group p re ju d ic e and r e la te d un-dem ocratic a ttitu d e s and b eh av io r in our c u ltu re. G eneral Problem Krech and C ru tc h fie ld (26) c le a r ly reco g n ize th e im portance of ^ Even in th e s o -c a lle d n o n -d ire c tiv e approach th e th e r a p is t i s g a in in g im p lio itly a knowledge of th e p a t i e n t s p e rs o n a lity.

7 v alu es in th e p e rs o n a lity of th e in d iv id u a l -when th e y s t a t e : * "An in te g ra te d p e r s o n a lity is one in -which th e n eed s, demands, and g o a ls in ste a d of fu n c tio n in g as s e p a ra te, segmented p a rts of th e b e h a v io r - work to g e th e r o p tim a lly in a way th a t is s e lf - c o n s is te n t, m u tu ally re in fo rc in g, and n o n c o n flic tin g. And t h i s in te g r a tio n is m ainly p o s s ib le through th e in d iv id u a l s system o f v a lu e s, id e a ls, and id e o lo g y. The f u r th e r im portance of v alu es in p e r s o n a lity has been u n d e rlin e d in a re c e n t symposium (54) devoted e n tir e ly to th e problem o f "Values in P e rs o n a lity R esearch." The u n d e rly in g approach in th is symposium is to c o n s is te n tly p o in t o u t th e im portance o f v alu es in p e rs o n a lity s tr u c tu r e. In th e s tu d ie s d e a lin g w ith th e p e r s o n a litie s o f th e p re ju d ic e d in d iv id u a l as c o n tra s te d w ith th e u n p reju d ic ed in d iv id u a l, th e importa n c e of v alu es as such has n o t been s tr e s s e d ad eq u ately. However, some of th e se s tu d ie s have su g g ested th a t c e r ta in v a lu e d iffe re n c e s m ight w e ll be p re se n t i n to le r a n t and in to le r a n t in d iv id u a ls. I n f a o t, m ention of v alu es t h a t m ight p a r a l l e l S p ran g er s (43) s ix v a lu e s, th a t i s, t h e o r e t ic a l, economic, a e s th e tic, s o c ia l, p o l i t i c a l, and re lig io u s a re re fe r r e d t o in some o f th e s e stu d ie s. F or example, in The A uthori t a r i a n P e rs o n a lity ( 1 ), i t was p o in te d o u t t h a t in d iv id u a ls high in p re ju d ic e i n re p ly to th e q u e s tio n s, "What experience would be most a w e -in sp irin g f o r you? made r e p lie s th a t p laced emphasis upon p o l i t i c a l v a lu e s, " s u p e r f ic ia l r e lig io u s v a lu e s, and economic v a lu e s. In ^ p. 68 above c i t. The u n d e rlin in g is th e w r i te r s. For a com plete d e s c rip tio n of S p ran g er s s ix valu es c.ib. App. I.

8 response t o th e same q u e stio n, in d iv id u a ls low i n p re ju d ic e made re sponses which p la ced emphasis on a e s th e tic v a lu e s, th e o r e tic a l V alues, and s o c ia l v a lu e s. In Problem s in P re ju d ic e (2 1 ), H a rtle y p o in ts out* "There seems to be a ten d en cy f o r th e in d iv id u a ls a t th e t o l e r a n t extreme"*" to be in te r e s te d i n im a g in ativ e a c t i v i t y and preoccupied w ith in n e r p ro cess e s." He th e n proceeds to quote from Murray (3 7 ) and s t a t e s : "Tnese in d iv id u a ls te n d to have an im ag in ativ e, s u b je c tiv e human out lo o t, a p reo ccu p atio n w ith in n e r a c tiv itie s * f e e lin g s, f a n t a s i e s, g e n e ra liz a t i o n s, t h e o r e t ic a l r e fle c tio n s (S p ran g er s t h e o r e t ic a l v a lu e ), a r t i s t i c! conceptions (S p ran g er s a e s th e tic v a lu e ) ". j In some o f th e o th e r s tu d ie s as w e ll, we may by im p lic a tio n n o te re fe re n c e s t o v a lu e s such as th o se p o s tu la te d by S p ran g er. A llp o rt and Kramer (4 ) and R o sen b lith (41) in u sin g a q u e stio n such a s, Are you p a r t ic u la r l y prone to sym pathize w ith any underdog?" and fin d in g th a t t o l e r a n t in d iv id u a ls a re s ig n if ic a n tly more lik e l y to answer "yes" to t h i s q u e stio n th an th e in to le r a n t in d iv id u a l, a re a p p a re n tly reco rd in g a resp o n se which would be c o n s is te n t w ith S p ran g er s d e sc rip t i o n of th e s o c ia l v a lu e. However, i n each o f th e s e s tu d ie s no d ir e c t in v e s tig a tio n o f th e v a lu es p re s e n t in t h e p e rs o n a lity s tr u c tu r e o f t h e p re ju d ic e d in d iv id u a l as a g a in s t th e u n p reju d ic ed in d iv id u a l i s made. I t is fo r th is reason t h a t th e w r ite r b e lie v e s th a t such an in v e s tig a tio n m ight Well be in o rd e r. Are th e r e re la tio n s h ip s p re se n t betw een c e r ta in v alu es * R eference i s made h ere t o in d iv id u a ls sco rin g h ig h on o b je c tiv e t e s t s o f p re ju d ic e.

9 and p re ju d ic e? Are th e r e p a tte rn s o f v alu es in p re ju d ic e d in d iv id u a ls which d i f f e r s ig n if ic a n tly from p a tte rn s of v alu es in r e la tiv e ly unp re ju d ic e d in d iv id u a ls? This problem has o th e r a s p e c ts, as v rell. One o f th e o th e r a s p ects of th e problem is concerned w ith th e r o le of v a lu es in th e way th e in d iv id u a l chooses t o j u s t i f y th e absence o r presence o f p reju d ic ed a t t i t u d e s. F or exam ple, i f in d iv id u a ls a re asked t o j u s t i f y th e f a c t th a t th e y a re o r a re n o t p re ju d ic e d a g a in s t a m in o rity group by s ta tin g as many reasons as th e y can f o r bein g o r n o t being p re ju d ic e d, w ill ah a n a ly sis of th e s e reasons re v e a l th e d e f in ite in flu e n c e of th e in d iv id u a l s dominant v a lu e s in t h e i r com position? S t i l l an o th er a sp e c t of th e problem is su g g ested by th e asp ect co n sid ered above. To what e x te n t i s th e number of reasons given f o r being o r n o t b ein g p re ju d ic e d an index of th o a c tu a l in te n s ity of th e p re ju d ic e d a ttitu d e s? Would th e p re ju d ic e d in d iv id u a l be a b le t o g ive more reasons f o r and few er reasons f o r n o t b ein g p re ju d ic e d th a n th e u n p reju d ic ed in d iv id u a l? The p rese n t p ap er, th e r e fo r e, w ill d e a l w ith c e r ta in a sp ects of th e problem of v alu e s as f a c to r s in p re ju d ic e. I t w ill in clu d e a stu d y of th e r e la tio n s h ip betw een v a lu e s and p re ju d ic e, a com parison of v a lu e p a tte rn s p re se n t in p re ju d ic e d and u n p reju d ic ed in d iv id u a ls, an analy s is o f t h e ro le t h a t v alu e s may p la y in th e com position of reasons f o r p re ju d ic e, and a q u a n tita tiv e a n a ly s is o f th e s e reasons t o determ ine th e e x te n t to which th e y a re an index o f th e r e l a t iv e s tre n g th of p re ju d ic e. 5-

10 C r i t e r i a o f Values and P re ju d ic e I n approaching th e g e n e ra l problem o f v alu es as fa c to rs in p r e j u d ic e, th e problem o f what can be used as c r i t e r i a of v alu e s and p re ju d ic e p re se n ts i t s e l f. C r ite rio n of V alu es. W ith resp e ct to th e c r i te r i o n of v a lu e s, i f v a lu e s a re fa c to rs in p re ju d ic e, th e y would pro b ab ly be p o ten t m o tiv a tin g o r dynamic p a r ts o f th e in d iv id u a l's p e r s o n a lity s tr u c tu r e and may fu n c tio n in th e manner suggested by Krech and C ru tc h fie ld (26)^ when th e y s t a t e ; "V alues f o r th e in d iv id u a l...c o m e t o have what seems t o him an e x te rn a l e x iste n c e ; th ey...d em and on h is p a r t a c tio n th a t is o fte n a t v a ria n c e w ith h is im m ediate p erso n al d e s ir e s." As was su g g ested p re v io u sly i n th e p re se n t p a p e r, v alu es which a t l e a s t by im p lic a tio n p a r a l l e l S p ra n g e r's s ix v a lu e s, t h a t i s, t h e o r e t i c a l, economio, a e s th e tic, s o c i a l, p o l i t i c a l, and r e lig io u s, were observ ed t o e x is t in p e r s o n a lity d e s c rip tio n s o f p re ju d ic e d and u n p re j u d iced in d iv id u a ls. T h e refo re, i t m ight be expected th a t i f a s c a le d esig n ed to measure S p ra n g e r's s ix v alu es p o ssesses a s a tis f a c to r y d eg ree o f v a l i d i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y, i t could serv e as th e c r ite r io n of v a lu e s in th e p re se n t s tu d y. Vernon Study o f V alues (5 0 ). J u s t such a s c a le is th e A llp o rto Concerning th e problem o f t h e v a l i d i t y of th e Study of V alues, Vernon and A llp o rt (50)^ s t a t e ; "When th e ra tin g s ( th e average of ^ p. 413 above c i t. 2 c. f. App. I I I. 3 F or a d e ta ile d account o f th e sco rin g p ro ced u re, s ta n d a rd iz a tio n, e tc. c. f. Vernon and A llp o rt (50) and a ls o App. I.

11 f iv e e x te rn a l and one s e l f - r a t i n g in a group of 48 s u b je c ts ) a re co r r e la te d w ith th e t o t a l t e s t, one o b ta in s a c o e f fic ie n t of plus.532. But sin c e th e r e l i a b i l i t y o f a l l th e r a tin g s was only plu s.5 8 9, th e th e o r e tic a l agreem ent betw een t e s t and r a tin g s, c o rre c te d f o r a tte n u a tio n, is p lu s.8 2 6, a f ig u r e v o iy c lo se to t h a t f o r th e th e o r e tio a l v a l i d i t y (p lu s.8 5 ). F a ir agreem ent has a lso been found betw een t e s t 3cores and r e s u lts of c e r ta in r e la te d t e s t s such as th e Freyd and S trong in t e r e s t b lan k s and a word a s s o c ia tio n method. The Rorschach in k b lo ts g iv e high c o r re la tio n s w ith a e s th e tic v a lu e s. A llp o rt and Vernon, as a f u r th e r approach to v a lid a tio n, adm iniste r e d th e s c a le to c e r ta in groups whose v a lu e p a tte rn s m ight be p re d ic te d on an a p r io r i b a s is. For exam ple, th ey found th a t men were s ig n if ic a n tly h ig h e r th a n women in t h e o r e t ic a l, econom ic, and p o l i t i c a l v a lu es -while women were s ig n if ic a n tly hig h er in a e s th e tic, s o c ia l, and re lig io u s v a lu e s. They found t h a t in d iv id u a ls in b u sin e ss tended to b e high in economic v a lu e s, p sy c h o lo g ists and o th e r s c ie n tis t s high i n th e o r e tic a l v a lu e s, th e o lo g ia n s h ig h in re lig io u s v a lu e s, boy sco u t le a d e rs high i n s o c ia l v a lu e s, p o litic ia n s high i n p o l i t i c a l v a lu e s, and th a t in d iv id u a ls in th e f i e l d o f l i t e r a t u r e, w ere high in a e s th e tic v a lu e s. The r e l i a b i l i t y of th e Study of V alues was determ ined by computing s p l i t - h a l f and re p e a t r e l i a b i l i t y c o e f fic ie n ts f o r each o f th e s ix v a lu es and f o r th e s c a le as a w hole. In a ty p ic a l g ro u p, th e s p l i t - h a lf r e l i a b i l i t y c o e f f ic ie n ts were *62,.7 2,.B4,.4 9,.5 3, and.84 f o r th e o r e tic a l, econom ic, a e s th e tic, s o c ia l, p o l i t i c a l, and re lig io u s v a lu e s r e s p e c tiv e ly. The re p e a t r e l i a b i l i t i e s were.6 6,.7 1,.8 4,.3 9,

12 .55 and.8 0 i n th e some o rd e r, f o r t h e s ix v a lu e s. The s p l i t - h a l f r e l i a b i l i t y of th e whole s c a le was,7 0, and th e re p e a t r e l i a b i l i t y was.8 2. F u rth e r evidence in d ic a tin g th e v a l i d i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y of th e Study of V alues is p re se n te d by C a n tril and A llp o rt (9 )^ when th ey s ta t e i... t h e evidence from recen t a p p lic a tio n s of th e Study of V alues m ust be in te rp r e te d as e s ta b lis h in g th e s e v a l u e s...a s s e lf-c o n s i s t e n t, p e rv a siv e, en d u rin g, and above a l l, g e n e ra liz e d t r a i t s of p e r s o n a lity. S ev eral experim ents dem onstrate a c le a r r e la tio n s h ip between v a lu e s and conduct. They show th a t a p e rso n 's a c t i v i t y is not determ ined e x c lu siv e ly by t h e stim u lu s o f th e moment, n o r by a merely tr a n s i e n t i n t e r e s t, n o r by a s p e c if ic a t t i t u d e p e c u lia r t o each s itu a t i o n which he en co u n ters. The experim ents prove, on th e c o n tra ry, th a t g en eral e v a lu a tiv e a t t i t u d e s e n te r in to v a rio u s common a c t i v i t i e s in every-day l i f e, and in so doing h elp t o account f o r th e c o n siste n c ie s 2 of p e r s o n a lity." I t appears th a t th e v a l i d i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y of th e Study of V alues is g e n e ra lly s a tis f a c to r y ; co n seq u ently, th e w r ite r b e lie v e s th a t S p ra n g e r's s ix v a lu e s as measured by th e Allporfc-Vem on Study of V alues p ro v id e an adequate c r ite r io n o f v alu es fo r th e p re s e n t stu d y. 1 p. 272 above c i t. 2 For a more oomplete d e s c rip tio n of th e s tu d ie s c ite d by C a n tril and A llp o rt and o th e r s tu d ie s employing th e Study of Values c. f. A llp o rt and Vernon ( 6 ), C a n tril ( 8 ), C a n tr il, Rand, and A llp o rt (1 0 ), H a rris ( 2 0 ), M allory (3 4 ), P in tn e r (3 8 ), Stone (4 5 ), Vernon (4 9 ), Vfhitely (5 1 ), Postm an,b runer, and McGinnies (3 9 ), McGinnies (3 2 ), McGinnies and Bowles (3 3 ).

13 However, th e re a d e r should be made aware o f c e r ta in c ritic is m s of th e Study of Values th a t should be ta k e n in to account in in t e r p r e t ing r e s u lts o f re se a rc h w hich employs i t. In examining th e r e l i a b i l i t y d a ta, one d e f in ite weakness o f th e s c a le ap p ears. This is th e r e la tiv e ly u n r e lia b le s o c ia l v a lu e s u b -s c a le. S ince th e Study of Values y ie ld s only r e l a t iv e v a lu e sc o re s f o r each of th e s ix v a lu e s (th e t o t a l sco re combined from a l l s ix v a lu e su b -sc a le s cannot exceed 180), i t is q u ite ev id e n t t h a t one u n r e lia b le s u b -s c a le would a u to m a tic a lly te n d to reduce th e r e l i a b i l i t y and in d ir e c tly th e v a l i d i t y o f th e o th e r f iv e s u b -s c a le s. A nother p o s s ib le c r i tic i s m o f th e s c a le is t h a t even though S pranger re p re s e n ts each o f th e s ix v a lu e s as being r e l a t iv e ly u n rela te d to any of th e o th e rs, a f a c to r a n a ly s is study of th e Study of Values by L u rie (31) and a s tu d y by W ickert (53) show t h a t s ig n if ic a n t c o rre la tio n s e x is t between th e p o l i t i c a l and economic v a lu e s and between th e th e o r e tic a l and a e s th e tic v a lu e s. Although th e s e f a c ts in themse lv e s may o n ly in d ic a te what one would lo g ic a lly e x p e c t, th a t in th e p e rs o n a lity s tr u c tu r e of in d iv id u a ls c e r ta in v alu es may te n d to be i n t e r r e la te d, i t n e v e rth e le ss shows t h a t s ix s p e c if ic f a c to rs have not been c le a r ly is o la te d, a t le a s t i n term s of what th e A llp o rt-v ern o n s c a le m easures. C r ite rio n o f P re ju d ic e. The w r ite r b e lie v e s th a t i f p re ju d ic e is lim ite d to r a c i a l p re ju d ic e and i t is d efin ed in such a manner th a t i t oan be m easured in a v a lid and r e lia b le manner by a g iv en a t t i t u d e s c a le, an ad eq u ate c r ite r io n of p re ju d ic e in th e p re se n t stu d y w i l l be a ssu re d.

14 R acial p re ju d ic e may b e d efin ed in th e manner th a t i t was p rev io u s ly defined in th e p re se n t p ap er as b ia se d, d isc rim in a tin g a ttitu d e s and behavior tow ard members o f m in o rity groups, o r we may choose to acc e p t Krech and C ru tc h fie ld s d e f in itio n (26)* which i s t " R a c ia l p r e j-!i u d ic e is to b e d e fin e d as r e f e r r in g t o a ttitu d e s and b e lie f s concern-! ing any m in o rity r a c i a l, e th n ic, o r n a tio n a l group th a t a re disadvantageous to th e members o f t h a t group." A p a r tic u la r ty p e o f r a c i a l p re ju d ic e, a n ti-s e m itism, w i l l be con- / s id e re d because in d e a lin g w ith th e phase o f th e g e n e ra l problem which in v o lv es th e a n a ly sis o f reasons fo r p re ju d ic e, lim itin g p re ju d io e t o j u s t one m in o rity group w i l l ex p ed ite th e ta s k s of b o th in v e s tig a to r and s u b je c ts. F u rtherm ore, th e p e rs o n a lity o f th e a n ti-s e m itic : In d i v id u a l may have c e r ta in u n iq u e q u a litie s (even th o u g h, as brought out! by Levinson ( 1 ), a n ti-s e m itism is p o s itiv e ly c o r r e la te d,.8 2, w ith _ j e th n o centrism ) which in them selves m ight prove v a lu a b le o b je c ts of stu d y. An a ttitu d e s c a le which should meet o u r requirem ents o f p o sse ssin g ism is th e L evinson-sanford A nti-s em itism S c a le (27) Levinson and S anford p o in t o u t, w ith re s p e c t to th e problem of e s ta b lis h in g th e an adequate degree of v a l i d i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y in it s a su rin g a n ti-s e m itp. 444 above c i t. ^ The term, "E th n o cen trism ", was f i r s t used by Sumner (46) in In i t s p re se n t u se in th e s o c ia l p sy ch o lo g ical l i t e r a t u r e i t re fe rs to a p re ju d ic e d p a tte r n in v o lv in g a r e l a t iv e ly c o n s is te n t fram e of 2 mind concerning "o u t-g ro u p e rs" o r " a lie n s " in g e n e ra l. F or a d e ta ile d account o f th e sco rin g prooedure, s ta n d a rd iz a tio n, e tc. c. f. Levinson and S anford (2 7 ). c. f. a ls o [App. I I f o r a copy o f t h i s s c a le

15 v a l i d i t y o f th e s c a le, th a t th e sco res on th e s c a le made by members o f c e r ta in groups conformed to what m ight be expected on th e b a s is of e m p iric a l o b serv a tio n s o f th e a ttitu d e s and b e h a v io r o f members of th e s e groups* P o r exam ple, i t was found th a t R epublicans made s i g n i f i c a n tly h ig h e r sco res th a n d id Democrats, P r o te s ta n t s e c ta ria n s and C ath o lic s made h ig h er sco res th a n d id th e n o n -re lig io u s, th e n o n -sect a r i a n P ro te s ta n ts and th e U n ita ria n s, s o r o r ity members made h ig h e r sc o re s th a n d id non-members, in d iv id u a ls of high income made h ig h e r sco re s th a n in d iv id u a ls of low income* Levinson and S anford (27)* comm enting on th e s e fin d in g s s ta te * " I f an ti-s e m itism sco res d id n o t tu r n out to be m eaningfully r e la te d to such f a c t o r s * common sen se would d ecree th a t th e s c a le b e d isc a rd e d." A nother b a s is f o r e s ta b lis h in g the v a l i d i t y o f th e s c a le is brought out by Levinson and Sanford (2 7 )2 th e n th e y s ta te * " I f a subj e c t is a g a in s t th e Jews he may be expected, from everyday o b se rv a tio n, t o b e a g a in s t c e r ta in o th e r th in g s as w e ll; and i f he fav o rs o rg an izatio n s o r in d iv id u a ls who a re on reco rd as b e in g a n ti-s e m itic he sh o u ld, i f th e p re se n t s c a le is v a l i d, o b ta in a r e la tiv e ly h ig h s c o re." In su p p o rt of t h i s c o n te n tio n i t was found t h a t in d iv id u a ls who on a group of a t t i t u d e item s dem onstrated ap p ro v al of Labor U nions, "S o c ia lism ", "Race E q u a lity ", and th e Communist P a rty sco re d s i g n i f i c a n tly below averag e on th e an ti-s em itism s c a le, w h ile in d iv id u a ls who approved th e American Legion and P a th o r Coughlin sco re d s ig n if ic a n tly above av erag e on t h e s c a le. * p. 365 above c i t, 2 I b id. -11-

16 A f i n a l b a s is f o r v a lid a tin g th e item s on th e s c a le was i n term s of th e sco res made by 13 members o f a c o n tro l group. This group cons is te d of g rad u ate stu d e n ts and f a c u lty members i n th e Department of Psychology a t th e U n iv e rsity of C a lifo rn ia. I n view of th e g en eral lib e ra lis m, s o c ia l a t t i t u d e s, group m em berships, and open o p p o sitio n to chauvinism and p re ju d ic e of members i n t h i s group, i t was b e lie v e d th a t th e sc o re s t h a t th e y made on th e s c a le would be u s e fu l as v a lid a t in g d a ta, i f t h e i r sco res f e l l a t th e extrem e low end of t h e s c a le, A mean s c o re in t h i s group (th e p o s s ib le range of sc o re s on th e s c a le is from 52 to 364) of only 86 and a range o f from 57 t o 120 supported th is b e l i e f. The s p l i t - h a l f method was employed in d eterm in in g th e r e l i a b i l i t y o f th e s c a le. The t o t a l sco res of each s u b je c t on th e odd and even item s were c o r re la te d. The r e l i a b i l i t y c o e f f ic ie n t o b tain e d was.9 6, which was ra is e d to.98 when c o rre c te d by means of th e Spearman-Brown form ula. These d a ta su g g est th a t th e v a l i d i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y of th e L evinson-sanford A nti-s em itism S cale is s a tis f a c to r y ; co n seq u en tly, th e w r ite r b e lie v e s t h a t a n ti-s e m itism as measured by t h i s s c a le provides an adequate o r ite r io n of an ti-s e m itism f o r th e p re se n t stu d y. As m s p o in te d out in th e case of th e Study of V alu es, however, c e r ta in weaknesses a re a lso p re se n t i n th e a n ti-s e m itism s c a le which th e read er should ta k e in to account as he in te r p r e ts r e s u lts o f re se a rc h which employs i t. Gough (19)* p o in ts to what th e p re s e n t w r ite r th in k s * p. 3' above c i t. -12-

17 a re p a r tic u la r ly v u ln e ra b le a s p e c ts of th e s c a le when he s ta te s * "... th e q u estio n s a r e la r g e ly e x tre m is t and v in d ic tiv * I t may w ell be th a t only t h a t p o r tio n o f p r e ju d ic e d ' people who a re a ls o w illin g to adm it r a th e r stro n g and m ilita n t d is lik e s w ill be id e n tif ie d by th e t e s t. F or t h i s re aso n th e s c a le may be somewhat s e lf - d e f e a tin g, f o r th e c o n s is te n tly n e g a t i v i s t i c c h a ra c te r o f th e item s would serv e to lower th e sco res of in to le r a n t, b u t o v erly co n v en tio n al s u b je c ts. "Thinking such a s t h i s al3 o r a is e s th e q u e stio n as to w hether th e dim ension -which is p rim a rily b e in g is o la te d w ith a s c a le such as t h i s m ight n o t be a f a c to r o f g e n e ra l d is g u s t, m isanthropy, q u eru lo u sn ess, and a s p e r ity, w hich, alth o u g h h ig h ly c o rre la te d w ith th e b a s ic a t t i - tu d in a l continuum under s c ru tin y, is n o t isom orphic w ith i t. I t is c le a r t h a t such f a c to r s a re d isc o v e ra b le in th e sp h ere of p e rs o n a lity te s tin g (3 5 ), where i t has been co n v in cin g ly shown t h a t h a b its and s ty le s of v e rb a l b e h av io r fre q u e n tly s e rv e to obscure th e measurement of th e v a ria b le s of fundam ental i n t e r e s t. Thus th e r e is a t le a s t one known f a c to r, a ten d en cy t o t a l k i n c e r ta in ways about o n e s e lf, which v a rie s in d ep en d en tly of psychopathology, b u t which n e v e rth e le ss obtrudes i t s e l f upon th e measurement p ro c e ss. I t i s oonceivable th a t s im ila r ten d e n c ie s in flu e n c e scores on th e L evinson-sanford s c a le, where t h e i r presence would c o n s titu te a sy ste m a tic b i a s. Suoh a contingency would c e r ta in ly n o t in v a lid a te th e s c a le, but i t would u n d ersco re th e need f o r re se rv in g judgment about p ro p o sitio n s concerning an ti-s em itism in g en eral u n t i l c o rro b o ra to ry fin d in g s can be achieved w ith o th e r s c a le s and te c h n iq u e s.

18 "A nother c r itic is m of th e L evinson-sanford s c a le which has been made is th a t some of th e item s sco red as in d ic a tiv e of in to le ra n c e a c tu a lly a re ra te d as betokening to le ra n c e by some judges (1 4 ). This "The g e n e ra l co n clu sio n t h a t th e s c a le p ro v id es a u s e fu l index of c e r ta in kin d s of s o c ia l in to le ra n c e and a n ti-s e m itism seems j u s t i f ie d. F urtherm ore, high sco res would unm istakably r e f e r to s u b je c ts h o ld in g r e la tiv e ly u n fa v o ra b le and even rancorous a t t i t u d e s, b u t a t th e some tim e, some s u b je c ts of perhaps equal an im o sity w i l l n o t be id e n tif ie d as a consequence o f th e tra n s p a r e n t and unconcealed im port of th e t e s t item s employed." c r itic is m vrould seem to be somewhat ta n g e n tia l when one r e c a lls t h a t th e clim ate o r atm osphere invoked by th e s c a le as a whole w i l l o r d i n a r ily d is s ip a te any am biguity o r am bivalence of meaning which m ight be shown to a tta c h to a few item s when co n sid e red independently and s e p a ra te ly." However, th e p re se n t w r ite r ag rees w ith Gough (19) when he concludes* -14-

19 HYPOTHESES TO BE TESTED In o rd er to fo rm u late hypotheses concerning th e r e la tio n s h ip betw een a n ti-s e m itism and th e s ix v a lu e s, c e r ta in p e rs o n a lity mechanisms j th a t Adorno, e t a l ( l ) re p o rt a re p re s e n t to a pronounced e x te n t in p re ju d ic e d in d iv id u a ls and a re a b se n t o r m inim ized in u n p reju d ic ed in d iv id u a ls, have been s e le c te d on t h e b a s is o f t h e i r p o s sib le r e la tio n sh ip to th e s ix v a lu e s. I f in term s of S p ran g er s d e s c rip tio n s o f each of th e s ix v a lu e ty p e s, th e p resen ce o r absence o f th e s e mechanisms oan be deduced, i t would ap p ear th a t a b a s is f o r c o n s tru c tin g hypotheses concerning th e r e la tio n s h ip betw een each v a lu e and an ti-s e m itism is p re s e n t. i The mechanisms t h a t w ill be consid ered i n fo rm u latin g o u r hypotheses a re as fo llo w s (1 ) C onventionalism. A tendency t o adhere r ig id ly to conven tio n al m iddle c la s s stan d a rd s and a l l th a t t h i s im p lie s. (2 ) A n ti-in tr a c e p tio n. An u n w illin g n ess to ga^n p sy c h o lo g ical in s ig h t in to p e rso n a l m otives o r th e d eep -ro o ted problems of hum anity. This in clu d es a r e s is ta n c e to bbing dom inated by f e e lin g s, f a n ta s ie s, s p e c u la tio n s, and a s p ir a tio n s. (T h is, o f co urse, is th e la c k of in tra c e p b io n.) (3 ) E x tra c e p tio n. The tendency t o be dom inated by c o n c re te, c le a r ly o b serv ab le, p h y sic a l c o n d itio n s, p ecte d to be fre q u e n tly p re se n t in t h e an t This would be ex- - in tr a c e p tiv e in d iv id u a l.) c. f. th e A u th o rita ria n P e rs o n a lity (1 ) pp f o r a d e ta ile d d isc u s s io n of th e se mechanisms and o th ers p re s e n t in th e p e rs o n a lity of th e p re ju d ic e d in d iv id u a l,

20 (4 ) S te re o ty p y. A d is p o s itio n to th in k in r ig id c a te g o rie s. This w ould, of c o u rse, in clu d e a c cep tin g p re-co n co iv ed n o tio n s of people and th in g s and making judgm ents on t h a t b a s is. (5 ) Power and "to u g h n ess". A p reoccu p atio n w ith strong-w eak, le a d e r-fo llo w e r id eas which in clu d es a " g e t tough" a t t i t u d e tow ard th e weak. A stro n g id e n t i f i c a t i o n w ith power fig u re s is a ls o p re s e n t. (6 ) P r o je c tiv ity. S uppressed im pulses ten d to be p ro je c te d onto o th e r in d iv id u a ls vho a re th e n blamed "o u t of hand". Only th o se mechanisms which can be c le a r ly r e la te d t o th e v alu es on th e b a sis o f S p ran g er s d e s c rip tio n s, w ill be d isc u sse d as a b a s is f o r th e hypotheses t o be p re se n te d h e re. In o rd er to f a c i l i t a t e th e p re s e n ta tio n of th e s e hypoth eses, eaoh in d iv id u a l v a lu e w ill be d isc u sse d and hypotheses concerning i t s r e l a tio n s h ip to an ti-s e m itism w ill be s ta te d. This w ill be follow ed by hypotheses concerning v a lu e h ie ra rc h ie s in a n ti-s e m itism and th e ro le of v a lu e s in j u s t i f y i n g a n ti-s em itism. T h e o re tic a l Values and A nti-s em itism A llp o rt and Vernon (5 )^ b r ie f l y summarize S p ra n g e r's th e o r e tic a l 2 v alu e ty p e as follow s* "The dominant i n t e r e s t o f t h e th e o r e tic a l man is th e d isco v e ry of t r u t h. In th e p u rs u it of th is goal he _ c. f. App. I. F o r a f u l l e r account of t h i s v a lu e and th e o th e r v a lu e s, th e re a d e r sh o u ld, of co u rse, r e f e r d i r e c t ly to Types of Men (4 3 ), in whioh S p ran g er, p re se n ts th e p o in t of view fchat tu e p e r s o n a litie s of men a re b e s t known th ro u g h a stu d y o f t h e i r v a lu e s o r e v a lu a tiv e a t t i tu d e s. Although h is v alu es a re e s s e n tia lly a p r i o r i, th e y seem to have had wide a p p lic a tio n s in p e rs o n a lity th n o ry. -16-

21 c h a r a c te r is tic a lly ta k e s a "co g n itiv e " a t t i t u d e, one th a t looks f o r i d e n titie s and d iffe re n c e s ; one th a t d iv e s ts i t s e l f of judgm ents reg ard ing th e beauty o r u t i l i t y o f o b je c ts, and seeks only to observe and to re a so n. S in ce th e i n t e r e s t s of th e th e o r e t ic a l man are e m p iric a l, c r i t i c a l, and r a tio n a l, he is n e c e s s a r ily an i n t e l l e c t u a l i s t, fre q u e n t ly a s c i e n t i s t o r.p h ilo so p h er. His c h ie f aim i n l i f e is to o rd e r and to sy ste m a tiz e h is know ledge." On th e b a s is of t h i s d e s c rip tio n we could expect th e th e o r e tic a l in d iv id u a l p o ssib ly to r e a c t a g a in s t c o n v e n tio n a lity, be in tra c e p tiv e, and r e je c t s te re o ty p y. The reasons fo r th e p re d ic te d presen ce of th e s e c h a r a c te r is tic s a re as fo llo w sj (1 ) An in d iv id u a l whose dominant i n t e r e s t is th e "d isco v ery of t r u t h ", would probably be r e la tiv e ly unconcerned about th e e x te n t t o which he conformed to conventions; in f a c t, i f nonconform ity aid ed him in th e r e a liz a tio n of h is g o a l, he would undoubtedly n o t h e s ita te to v io la te co n v en tio n s. (2) The in d iv id u a l, who is " e m p iric a l, c r i t i c a l, and ra tio n a l" and is a s c i e n t i s t or p h ilo so p h e r would be in te r e s te d in developing a l l ty p e s of in s ig h ts, p h y sic a l and p sy c h o lo g ic a l. i T h e refo re, ra th e r th a n be a n ti- in tr a c e p tiv e, he would ten d to bo in tr a c e p tiv e. (3 ) The c r i t i c a l a t t i t u d e th a t is p re se n t in th e th e o r e tic a l ^ A dominant em p irical a t t i t u d e in some th e o r e tic a l in d iv id u a ls may p o ssib ly a ls o make thorn somewhat e x tre c e p tiv e as w e ll. -17-

22 in d iv id u a l would r e s u lt in a r e je c tio n of s te re o ty p y, sin c e s te re o ty p y cannot w ith sta n d th e t e s t of c r i t i c a l a n a ly s is. On th e b a s is of th e se d e d u c tio n s, th e follow ing h y p o th esis r e la tiv e to th e o r e tic a l v a lu e s and a n ti-s e m itism may be s ta te d : In v iew of th e r e la tiv e in tra c e p tiv e n e s s and t h e r e je c tio n o f rig id c o n v e n tio n a lit y, and s te re o ty p y, by th e o r e tic a l in d iv id u a ls, th e p resen ce o f stro n g th e o r e t i c a l v alu es in th e p e rs o n a lity s tr u c tu r e of in d iv id u a ls would be incongruent w ith an ti-s em itism. Economic Values and A nti-s em itism A llp o rt and'v ernon (5 )^ b r ie f l y summarize S p ran g er s economic v alu e ty p e as fo llo w s: what is u s e f u l. The economic man is c h a r a c te r is tic a lly in te r e s te d in Based o r ig in a lly upon th e s a tis f a c t io n of b o d ily needs ( s e lf - p r e s e r v a tio n ), th e i n t e r e s t i n u t i l i t i e s develops to embrace th e p r a c tic a l a f f a i r s of th e b u sin ess w orld th e p ro d u c tio n, m ark etin g, and consumption of goods, th e e la b o ra tio n of c r e d it, and th e accum ulation of ta n g ib le w e a lth. This ty p e is th o ro u g h ly " p r a c tic a l" and conforms well to th e p re v a ilin g s te re o ty p e o f th e average American b u sin ess man. "The economic a ttitu d e fre q u e n tly comes in to c o n f lic t w ith o th e r v a lu e s. The economic man w ants ed u catio n to be p r a c tic a l and regards u n ap p lied knowledge as w aste. G reat f e a ts of e n g in e e rin g, T aylorism, pragm atism, and ap p lie d psychology r e s u l t from th e demands which economic men make upon s c ie n o e. The v a lu e of u t i l i t y lik e w ise c o n flic ts w ith th e a e s th e tic v a lu e, excepting when a r t se rv e s commercial ends. c.f. App. X. 18

23 Yfithout f e e lin g in a p p ro p ria te n e ss in h is a c t, th e economic man may denude a b e a u tif u l h i l l s i d e o r b e fo u l a r iv e r w ith in d u s tr ia l re fu s e. In h is p erso n al l i f e he is lik e l y to confuse luxury w ith b eau ty. In h is re la tio n s w ith people he is more lik e l y to be in te re s te d in su rp assing them in w ealth th a n in dom inating them ( p o l i t i c a l a t t itu d e ) o r in serv in g them ( s o c ia l a t t i t u d e ). In some cases t h e economic man may be s a id to make h is r e lig io n th e w orship of Mammon. In o th e r in s ta n c e s, however, he may have regard f o r th e tr a d itio n a l God, b u t in c lin e s to c o n sid er Him as th e g iv e r of good g i f t s, o f w e a lth, p ro s p e rity, and o th e r ta n g ib le b le s s in g s." On th e b a s is of th is d e s c rip tio n i t could be expected t h a t th e economic in d iv id u a l is a n ti- in tr a c e p tiv e, e x tra c e p tiv e, and prone to s te re o ty p y and p r o je c tiv ity. The reasons fo r th e p re d ic te d presence of th e s e c h a r a c te r is tic s a re as fo llo w s: (1 ) A n ti-in tra c e p tiv e n e s s would be p re s e n t, sin c e to th e " p ra c tic a l" economic in d iv id u a l i t would be d i f f i c u l t to se e any "ap p lied " v alu e to in s ig h ts of an em otional o r p sy ch o lo g ic a l n a tu re. He would p ro b ab ly, th e r e f o r e, r e s i s t such in s ig h ts, (2 ) E x tra c e p tiv e n e ss in h is p e rs o n a lity s tr u c tu r e would r e s u l t from h is concern w ith th e " ta n g ib le " o r oonorete. (3) S te re o ty p y, e s p e c ia lly w ith re sp e c t t o a group such as th e Jew s, would be p re s e n t, s in c e as Katz and B raly (23) p o in t o u t, ste re o ty p e s conoerning th e Jews predom inantly r e f e r to economic a g g re ssiv e n e ss; co n seq u en tly, acceptance of such s te re o ty p e s would serv e as good r a tio n a liz a tio n s f o r th e -19-

24 f a ilu r e s o f th e economic in d iv id u a l. (4 ) P r o je c tiv ity would a lso be expected, sin c e by v ir tu e o f a c cep tin g th e s e economic s te re o ty p e s, a convenient o b je c t of blame f o r th e su p p ressed economic im pulses of th e economic in d iv id u a l is a v a ila b le t o him. On th e b a s is o f th e s e d e d u c tio n s, t h e fo llo w in g h y p o th esis r e la t i v e t o economic v a lu e s and a n ti-s e m itism may bo s ta te d : In view of th e a n t i - in tra c e p tiv e n e s s, e x tra c e p tiv e n e s s, s te re o ty p y and p r o ja c tiv ity o f th e h ig h ly economic In d iv id u a l, stro n g economic v a lu es would be cong ru en t w ith a n ti-s e m itism. A e s th e tic Values and A nti-s em itism A llp o rt and Vernon (5 )^ b r ie f l y summarize S pranger s a e s th e tic v a lu e ty p e as fo llo w s: uthe a e s th e tic man sees h is h ig h e st v a lu e in form and harmony. Each s in g le ex p erien ce is judged from th e s ta n d p o in t of g ra c e, symmetry, o r f i t n e s s. He reg ard s l i f e as a m anifold of ev en ts; each s in g le im p ressio n is enjoyed f o r i t s own sak e. He need n o t be a c r e a tiv e a r t i s t ; n o r need ho be e f f e te ; he i s a e s th e tic i f he b u t fin d s h is c h ie f i n t e r e s t in th e a r t i s t i c episodes o f l i f e. "The a e s th e tic a t t i t u d e is in a sen se d ia m e tric a lly opposed to th e th e o r e tic a l; th e form er is concerned w ith th e d iv e r s ity, and th e l a t t e r w ith t h e i d e n t i t i e s of experie n ce. The a e s th e tic man chooses, w ith K eats, to co n sid e r t r u t h as e q u iv a le n t t o b e au ty, o r e ls e to a g re e w ith Mencken, t h a t, to make a th in g charming is a m illio n tim es more c.f. App. I. 20-

25 im portant th a n to make i t t r u e. 1 In th e economic sphere th e a e s th e tic sees th e p ro cess of m an u factu rin g, a d v e r tis in g, and tra d e as a wholes a le d e s tru c tio n of th e v a lu es most im p o rtan t to him. In s o c ia l a f f a i r s he may be s a id t o be in te r e s te d in persons b u t n o t in th e w e lfa re of p erso n s; he te n d s tow ard in d iv id u a lism and s e lf - s u f f ic ie n c y. A e sth e tic people o fte n lik e th e b e a u tif u l in s ig n ia of pomp and power, b u t oppose p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y when i t makes fo r th e re p re s sio n of in d iv id u a lity. In th e f i e l d o f r e lig io n th ey a re lik e ly t o confuse beauty w ith p u re r r e lig io u s e x p e rie n c e, On th e b a s is of t h i s d e s c rip tio n i t would be expected th a t th e a e s th e tic in d iv id u a l would p lace l i t t l e emphasis on co n ventionalism, be in tr a c e p tiv e, re a c t a g a in s t e x tra c e p tiv e n e s s, and would n o t be preoccupied w ith power and 'to u g h n ess. The reasons f o r p re d ic tin g th e p resence of th e s e c h a r a c te r is tic s in th e a e s th e tic in d iv id u a l a re as follow ss (1 ) S in ce he ten d s tow ard in d iv id u a lism and s e lf - s u f f ic ie n c y, i t can re a d ily be seen t h a t r ig id m id d le -c la ss co n v en tio n alism would be re a o te d a g a in s t by th e a e s th e tic in d iv id u a l, (2 ) The s u b je c tiv e em o tio n ality involved in a e s th e tic e x p erie n c e s, so im portant t o th e a e s th e tic in d iv id u a l, would be in c o n sis t e n t w ith a n ti- in tr a c e p tiv e n e s s, so he would more lik e ly be in tr a c e p tiv e. (3 ) S ince th e a e s th e tic ex p erien ce is h ig h ly a b s tr a c t, i t would be d ia m e tric a lly opposed to e x tra c e p tiv e n e s s, which involves a dom ination by th e c o n c re te. (4 ) Because power makes f o r th e re p re s sio n of in d iv id u a lity,

26 som ething h ig h ly u n d e s ira b le t o th e a e s th e tic in d iv id u a l, i t would be u n lik e ly th a t he would be preoccupied w ith th e im portance of power. On th e b a s is o f th e s e d e d u c tio n s, th e fo llo w in g h y p o th esis r e la t i v e to a e s th e tic v alu es and an ti-s em itism may b e s ta te d : In view of th e in tra c e p tiv e n e s s and re a c tio n s a g a in s t r ig id co n v en tio n alism, e x tra c e p tiv e n e s s, and power by a e s th e tic in d iv id u a ls, stro n g a e s th e tic v a lu e s and a n ti-s e m itism would b e incongruenb. S o c ia l V alues and A nti-s em itism A llp o rt and Vernon (5)* b r ie f l y summarize S p ran g er s s o c ia l v a lu e type as fo llo w s: 'The h ig h e st v alu e f o r t h i s ty p e is love of p eople; w hether of one o r many, w hether c o n ju g a l, f i l i a l, f r ie n d ly, o r p h il- a n tro p ic. The s o c ia l man p riz e s o th e r persons as ends, and is th e r e fo r e h im se lf k in d, sy m p ath etic, and u n s e lf is h. He is l i k e l y to f in d th e t h e o r e t ic a l, economic, and a e s th e tic a t t i t u d e s cold and inhuman. In c o n tra s t t o th e p o l i t i c a l ty p e, th e s o c ia l man reg ard s lo v e as i t s e l f th e only s u ita b le form of power, or e ls e re p u d ia te s th e e n tir e conceptio n o f pov/er as endangering th e in te g r ity o f p e r s o n a lity. In i t s p u re s t form th e s o c ia l i n t e r e s t is s e lf l e s s and tends to approach v e iy c lo s e ly to th e re lig io u s a t t i t u d e." On th e b a sis o f th is d e s c rip tio n, i t would be expected t h a t th e s o c ia l in d iv id u a l would be in tr a c e p tiv e, re a c t a g a in s t e x tra c e p tiv e n e ss, s te re o ty p y, and power and "to u g h n ess". c«f» App. I, 22

27 The reasons f o r th e p re d ic te d p resence of th e s e c h a r a c te r is tic s in th e s o c ia l in d iv id u a l a re as fo llo w si (1 ) Because of th e s o c ia l in d iv id u a l's g re a t reg ard f o r o th ers and h is g re a t c a p a c ity f o r sympathy and k in d n e ss, i t would be expected th a t he is cap ab le o f th e em otional s u b je c tiv ity th a t is a p a r t of in tra c e p tlv e n e s s. (2 ) H is g re a t emphasis on "lo v e, an a b s tr a c t e n tity, would in d i c a te t h a t he is n o t dom inated by th e co n crete and would th e r e f o re te n d n o t to be e x tra c e p tiv e. (3 ) The g re a t i n t e r e s t i n "persons as ends" would in d ic a te th a t he would n o t be in c lin e d to a c c e p t n e g a t i v i s t i c, p re-conceivod a ttitu d e s tow ards p eo p le. C onsequently, he would te n d to r e j e c t s te re o ty p y. (4 ) S in ce he "reg ard s love as i t s e l f th e only s u ita b le form of pow er", he would n o t be preoccupied w ith ideas of p erso n al power and m anife st "g e t tough" a ttitu d e s tow ard th e weak. On th e b a s is of th e s e d e d u c tio n s, th e fo llo w in g h y p o th esis r e la t i v e to s o c ia l v a lu es and a n ti-s e m itism may be sta te d * In view of th e in tra o o p tiv e n e s s and r e je c tio n of e x tra c e p tiv e n e s s, s te re o ty p y, and power th e s o c ia l in d iv id u a l, stro n g s o c ia l v a lu e s and anti-s em itism would be in co n g ru e n t. P o l i t i c a l V alues and A nti-s em itism A llp o rt and Vernon (5)* b r ie f l y summarize S p ran g er's p o l i t i c a l v a lu e ty p e as follow s* "The p o l i t i c a l man is in te r e s te d p rim a rily in

28 power. His a c t i v i t i e s a re n o t n e c e s s a r ily w ith in th e narrow f i e l d of p o l i t i c s ; b u t w hatever h is v o c a tio n he b e tra y s him self as a Maohtmensch. Leaders in any f i e l d g e n e ra lly have high power v a lu e s. S in ce com petit i o n and s tru g g le p la y a la rg e p a r t in a l l l i f e, many p h ilo so p h ers have seen power as th e m ost u n iv e rs a l and most fundam ental of m o tiv es. There a r e, however, c e r ta in p e r s o n a litie s i n whom th e d e s ir e f o r a d ir e c t e x p ressio n of t h i s m otive is upperm ost, who wish above a l l e ls e f o r p e rso n a l power, in flu e n c e, and renown." On t h e b a s is o f t h i s d e s c rip tio n we could expect th e p o l i t i c a l in d iv id u a l t o be a n ti- in tr a c e p tiv e, e x tra c e p tiv e, preoccupied w ith power and "to u g h n ess", and prone to p r o je c tiv ity. The reasons f o r th e p re d ic te d presence o f th e s e c h a r a c te r is tic s a re as fo llo w s: (1) S ince th e p o l i t i c a l in d iv id u a l is in te r e s te d p rim a rily in th e a tta in m en t of power, i t would be expected t h a t he would become im p atie n t w ith anything t h a t he co u ld in te r p r e t as b ein g n o t d ir e c tly r e la te d t o th a t g o al; co n seq u en tly, a r e a c tio n a g a in s t p sy ch o lo g ical in s ig h ts would be ex p ected, sin c e th e y probably would n o t appear to him d ir e c tly r e la te d t o h is g o a l. Thus he would a p p a re n tly be a n ti- in tr a c e p tiv e. (2) The co n crete and c le a r ly o b serv ab le would probably dom inate h is o o g n itiv e s tr u c tu r e, sin o e he co u ld, thro u g h them, see m a te ria l evidence o f his pro g ress tow ard h is g o a l. This would be c o n s is te n t w ith e x tra c e p tiv e n e ss. (3 ) Because he is com pletely dom inated by th e d riv e tow ard power, i t would be expected th a t th e power and "toughness" mechanism

29 would bo o p e ra tin g t o an extrem e degree in th e p o l i t i c a l in d iv id u a l. (4 ) I t is q u ite p ro b ab le th a t th e p o l i t i c a l in d iv id u a l w ith h is p reo ccu p atio n w ith power would be quick to p ro je c t h is supp ressed power im pulses onto m in o rity groups such as Jews who may ap p ear to be t h r e a t s, p la c in g blame on them, even as did th e f a s c i s t d i c t a t o r s, H i t l e r and M ussolini. On th e b a sis of th e s e d e d u c tio n s, th e fo llo w in g h y p o th esis r e la t i v e t o p o l i t i c a l v a lu e s and an ti-s e m itism may be sta te d * In view of th e a n t i - in tra c e p tiv e n e s s, e x tra c e p tiv e n e s s, p reo ccu p atio n w ith power, and p r o je c tiv ity of th e h ig h ly p o l i t i c a l in d iv id u a l, stro n g p o l i t i c a l v alu es and an ti-s e m itism would be co n g ru en t. R elig io u s Values and A nti-s em itism A llp o rt and Vernon (5 )^ b r ie f l y summarize S p ra n g e r's re lig io u s v a lu e ty p e as follow s* "The h ig h e st v a lu e of th e r e lig io u s man may be c a lle d u n ity. He is m y stic a l, and seeks to comprehend th e cosmos as a w hole, to r e la te h im se lf to i t s embracing t o t a l i t y. : S pranger d e fin e s th e r e lig io u s man as one 'whose m ental s tr u c tu r e is perm anently d ire c te d to th e c r e a tio n of th e h ig h e st and a b s o lu te ly s a tis f y in g v a lu e experie n c e.' Some men of t h i s type a re immanent m y s tic s ', th a t i s, th e y fin d in th e a ffirm a tio n of l i f e and in a c tiv e p a r tic ip a tin g th e r e in t h e i r re lig io u s ex p erien ce. A F aust w ith h is z e s t and enthusiasm sees someth in g d iv in e in every e v en t. The 'tra n s c e n d e n ta l m y stic ' on th e o th e r 1 c. f. App. I. -25-

30 hand seeks t o u n ite h im self w ith a h ig h e r r e a l i ty by w ithdraw ing from l i f e ; he is th e a s c e t i c, and, lik e th e h o ly men of I n d ia, fin d s th e experience of u n ity thro u g h s e lf - d e n ia l and m e d ita tio n. In many in d iv id u a ls th e n e g a tio n and a ffirm a tio n of l i f e a lte r n a te to y ie ld th e g r e a te s t s a t i s f a c t i o n. ' On th e b a s is of t h i s d e s c rip tio n we could expect th e r e lig io u s in d iv id u a l to b e in tr a c e p tiv e, r e a c t a g a in s t e x tra c e p tiv e n e s s, and n o t be preoccupied w ith power and "to u g h n ess." The reasons f o r th e p re d ic te d presen ce of th e s e c h a r a c te r is tic s a re as follow s* (1 ) I n tr y in g to " r e l a t e h im self" t o th e "em bracing t o t a l i t y " of th e u n iv e rse, th e r e lig io u s in d iv id u a l would probably be q u ite concerned w ith p sy ch o lo g ic a l in s ig h ts whioh m ight giv e him "c lu es" to t h i s r e la tio n s h ip. Thus he would be in tra c e p t i v e. (2 ) By v ir tu e of h is concern w ith th e " n iy stic a l", i t would appear th a t he would be r e la tiv e ly unconcerned w ith th e c o n c re te, th u s su g g estin g th e absence of e x tra c e p tiv e n e ss. (3 ) His p reo ccu p atio n w ith th e h ig h er "u n ity " would probably deterhim from any d riv e s tow ard p erso n al power o r "g e t tough" a t t i tu d e s. On th e b a s is of th e s e d e d u ctio n s, th e fo llo w in g h y p o th esis r e la tiv e to r e lig io u s v a lu e s and an ti-s em itism may be sta te d * In view o f th e in tra c e p tio n and r e je c tio n o f e x tra c e p tiv e n e s s and power by th e re lig io u s in d iv id u a l, stro n g r e lig io u s v alu e s would be in co n g ru en t w ith a n t i - Sem itism. 2 6

31 Value H ierarc h ies and A nti-s em itism In th e preceding p re s e n ta tio n of hypotheses concerning th e r e la tio n s h ip betw een each of S p ra n g e r's s ix v alu es and a n ti-s e m itism, th e in te r a c tio n of th e s e v alu es was n o t s tr e s s e d. A c tu a lly, S pranger is r a th e r em phatic i n p o in tin g out th a t in d iv id u a ls a re not j u s t " economic ty p es" o r j u s t " s o c ia l ty p es" in th e sen se th a t th e s e p a r tic u la r values a re th e only ones p re s e n t in th e p e rs o n a lity s tr u c tu r e of th e in d iv id u a l. He p o in ts o u t t h a t a h ie ra rc h y of th e se s ix v alu es appears in th e p ers o n a lity of every in d iv id u a l and th e r e l a t iv e in te n s ity o f th e v alu es is th e b a s is f o r th e "type" l a b e l. C e rta in ly, i t m ight be expected th a t an in d iv id u a l h ig h e st in p o l i t i c a l v alu es and n ex t h ig h e st in a e s th e tic v a lu es m ight w ell behave d if f e r e n tly th a n an in d iv id u a l h ig h e st in p o l i t i c a l v alu es and n ex t h ig h e st in economic v a lu e s. I t is f o r t h i s reason t h a t th e w r ite r f e e ls t h a t a h y p o th esis concern in g th e r e l a t iv e in te n s ity of a l l s ix v alu es in th e r e la tiv e ly p r e j u d iced and r e la tiv e ly u n p reju d iced in d iv id u a l should be fo rm u lated. The b a s is f o r th e s e hypotheses a re a o tu a lly in h e re n t in th e th e o r e tic a l d isc u ssio n s preceding th e hypotheses p re v io u sly drawn in th e p re se n t p a p e r. On t h e b a s is of th e se previous hypotheses i t m ight b e expected th a t th e in d iv id u a l h ig h ly a n ti-s e m itic would ten d to be h ig h e st in p o l i t i c a l, and economic v a lu es and low est in a e s th e tic, th e o r e tic a l, s o c ia l and re lig io u s v a lu e s. C onversely, i t m ight be expeoted t h a t th e in d iv id u a l r e la tiv e ly low in an ti-s em itism would te n d t o be h ig h e st in a e s th e tic, t h e o r e t ic a l, s o c ia l, and r e lig io u s v a lu e s, and low est in p o l i t i c a l, and economic, v a lu e s. -27-

32 Some su p p o rt of th e so co n ten tio n s is to be found in s tu d ie s of L urie (31) and W ickert (5 3 ). Both o f th e s e in v e s tig a to rs re p o rt th a t th e p o l i t i c a l and economic v alu es a r e s ig n if ic a n tly c o rre la te d in term s of s tu d ie s of in te r c o r r e la tio n s among th e A llport-v ernon v a lu e s, and th a t th e th e o r e tic a l and a e s th e tic v alu es are a ls o r e la te d to each o th e r, alth o u g h to a le s s pronounced e x te n t th a n a re th e p o l i t i c a l and economic v a lu e s. In a d d itio n, W ickert re p o rts th a t a s ig n if ic a n t negat i v e c o rre la tio n e x is ts between the th e o r e tic a l v a lu e and th e two " P h ilis tin e " v a lu e s, th e economic and th e p o l i t i c a l. However, n e ith e r of th ese in v e s tig a to rs found any s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n s h ip betw een th e re lig io u s and s o c ia l v a lu e s and any of th e o th e rs. The fo llo w in g h y p o th esis concerning th e r e l a t iv e in te n s ity of a l l o f th e s ix v alu es in in d iv id u a ls high and low in an ti-s e m itism may be s ta te d i In view of th e r e la tio n s h ip o f th e v a lu e s t o c e r ta in p e rs o n a lity mechanisms ( in tra c e p tiv e n e s s, p r o ja c t iv i t y, e t c. ), in d iv id u a ls r e la tiv e ly high in an ti-s em itism a re dom inated by economic and p o l i t i c a l v a lu e s ; in d iv id u a ls r e la tiv e ly low in an ti-s em itism by a e s th e tio, t h e o r e tic a l, s o c ia l, and re lig io u s v a lu e s. The Role of V alues in J u s tif y in g A nti-s em itism The o p e ra tio n of t h e mechanism of r a tio n a liz a tio n in th e p e rs o n a lity of th e in d iv id u a l, would su g g est th a t an in d iv id u a l would have a number of reasons a t h is d isp o s a l to j u s t i f y a ttitu d e s which he p o sse sse s. More s p e c if ic a lly, w ith re sp e c t t o an a ttitu d e tow ard th e Jevra, i t would be expected t h a t c o n s is te n t w ith th e o p era tio n o f th e mechanism of r a tio n a l iz a tio n, an in d iv id u a l would have reasons su p p o rtin g h is a t t i t u d e, re g a rd le ss o f w hether i t was fa v o ra b le o r u n fav o rab le. -28

33 A side from s h e e r number o f reasons a t th e d isp o sa l of th e in d iv id u a l to j u s t i f y h is a ttitu d e tow ard th e Jew s, th e c h a ra c te r of th e s e reasons would be In flu en ced by o th e r dynamic p e rs o n a lity f a c to r s. V alues p re se n t in th e in d iv id u a l s p e r s o n a lity should fu n c tio n as one of th e s e dynamic f a c to r s. A number o f re c e n t s tu d ie s have in d ic a te d th e dynamic q u a litie s of v a lu e s as m easured by th e A llport-v ernon s c a le. Let us c o n sid e r some o f th e s e s tu d ie s b r i e f l y. C a n tril and A llp o rt (9 ) re p o rt a stu d y by W ollberb i n which i t was dem onstrated th e e x te n t t o which th e v a lu e p a tte r n s, as measured by th e A llp o rt-v em o n s c a le, w ere f a c to rs in d ire c tin g th e a tte n tio n of newspaper read ers t o v a rio u s t o p ic s. An a r t i f i c i a l newspaper was cons tr u c te d viiich fe a tu re d a r t i c l e s which m ight te n d t o stan d out in th e p e rc e p tu a l f ie ld s of in d iv id u a ls high in th e v a rio u s v a lu e s. One a r t i c le th a t was used had a " le a d th a t re fe rre d to an im portant s a le of works o f a r t, f o r exam ple, re p re se n tin g th e a e s th e tic v a lu e. I t was found th a t s ig n if ic a n t rank o rd er c o rre la tio n s e x is te d betw een th e a r t i c l e s p erceiv ed and th e h ie ra rc h y of v alu e s p re se n t in th e in d iv id u a ls. F urtherm ore, s ig n if ic a n t n e g a tiv e c o rre la tio n s e x iste d between th e h ie r archy of v a lu e s and th e a r t i c l e s th a t w ere "passed o v er". Postman, B runer, and McGinnies (39) p re so rte d ta c h is to s c o p ic a lly stim u lu s words t h a t were r e la te d t o each of th e s ix v a lu e s. For example, such words as "th e o iy " and " v e rify " w ere used f o r th e th e o r e tic a l v a lu e, "income" and "w ealthy" f o r th e eoonomic, "p ray er" and "sacred" f o r th e r e lig io u s, and so on. The A llp o rt-v ern o n Study of Values was adm iniste r e d t o th e s u b je c ts used i n th e experim ent. each v a lu e ) w ere p re se n te d t o t h e s u b je o ts. In a l l 36 words ( 6 f o r A reoord of th e re c o g n itio n -2 9-

34 tim e f o r each of th e words was made and was compared w ith th e sco res f o r each of th e s ix v alu es made by th e s u b je c ts. A s ig n if ic a n t r e la tio n s h ip betw een re c o g n itio n tim e and v a lu e p a tte rn s was found, t h a t i s, in d iv id u a ls ten d ed to reco g n iz e most q u ick ly words th a t re p resen te d th e v a lu e th e y sc o re d h ig h e st in, le a s t q u ickly words re p re se n tin g th e v a lu e th a t th ey sco red low est in. In o th e r w ords, s ig n if ic a n t agreem ent betw een the speed of re c o g n itio n p r o f ile s f o r th e 36 words and th e v alu e p r o f ile s was found. A nother experim ent w hich dem onstrates th e dynamic q u a litie s of th e v a lu e s, was conducted by C a n tril ( 8 ). C a n tril was in te re s te d in d e te r m ining w hether o r n o t a ttitu d e s of th e g e n e ra l s o r t measured by th e A llp o rt-v em o n s c a le would in flu e n c e a s s o c ia tio n tim e t o s p e c if ic symb o ls of th e s e a t t i t u d e s. F ree a s s o c ia tio n tim e to words re p re se n tin g each of th e v a lu e s was measured w ith a v o ic e-k e y c i r o u it. The rank- o rd e r f o r t h e mean a s s o c ia tio n tim e to th e l i s t o f words re p re sen tin g t h a t a t t i t u d e and th e ra n k -o rd e r of th e s ix v alu es was c o rre la te d. I t was found th a t s ig n if ic a n t c o rre la tio n s betw een th e ra n k -o rd e r of each o f th e v alu es and t h e i r corresponding mean a s s o c ia tio n tim es e x iste d, w ith th e ex cep tio n o f th e s o c ia l v a lu e, which as p o in ted out p rev io u sly in th e p re se n t p aper, was found to be th e le a s t r e lia b le o f t h e s ix v a lu e s. C a n tril concludes from t h i s d a ta t h a t, "The p o s itiv e c o rre la tio n between an in d iv id u a l s accep tan ce of a p a r tic u la r e v a lu a tiv e a t t i t u d e and h is speed of a s s o c ia tio n tim e t o words whioh have re fe re n c e to t h a t a ttitu d e would seem t o in d ic a te t h a t an in d iv id u a l s a t t i t u d e e x e rts a s ig n if ic a n t in flu e n c e on a very s p e o ific in sta n c e o f h is beh a v io r, v i z., h is speed of a s s o c ia tio n to w ords." -30- i

35 McGinnies (3 2) conducted a somewhat s i m i l a r experim ent and concludes from h is r e s u lts t h a t i "a person w ill respond so o n er to a word sym bolizing h is h ig h e st v a lu e a re a than he w ill to a word symbolizing h is low est v alu e a r e a. F urtherm ore, th e d iffe re n c e s in mean a s so c ia t i o n tim e f o r th e group w ere, w ith th e e x c e p tio n o f v a lu e rank tw o, in th e expected d ir e c tio n ; t h a t i s, lo n g er a s s o c ia tio n tim e s f o r le s s v alu ed w ords " A f i n a l experim ent th a t m ight be c ite d to dem onstrate th e m otivatio n a l q u a litie s of th e v alu es is an experim ent of McGinnies and Bowles ( 3 3 ). In t h i s experim ent fa ces of s e v e ra l in d iv id u a ls appearing in a p o p u lar magazine were cu t o u t, p aste d on c a rd s, and la b e le d as m in is te r, s c i e n t i s t, and so on to re p re se n t each o f th e s ix v a lu e s. The p ic tu re s were p re se n te d to a group o f s u b je c ts ta c h is to s c o p ic a lly, and t h e tim e t h a t i t was n e c e ssa ry t o a s s o c ia te th e fa c e w ith th e occup a tio n a l la b e l, th u s le a rn in g to reco g n ize th e fa c e s, was reco rd ed. I t was found th a t a s ig n if ic a n t r e la tio n s h ip betw een th e v a lu e p r o f ile s of th e s u b je c ts and tim e re q u ire d f o r le a rn in g to reco g n ize th e fa c e s, was p re s e n t. These stu d ie s su g g est t h a t th e s e v a lu e s a re dynamic f a c to rs i n th e in d iv id u a l's p e rs o n a lity ; co n seq u en tly, i t would ap p ear p la u s ib le to assume t h a t th e v a lu e s could fu n c tio n as " s e le c tiv e d eterm in ers" of th e ty p es of reasons s ta te d as t h e in d iv id u a l r a tio n a liz e s h is a t t i t u d e tow ard th e Jew s. On th e b a sis of th e s e d e d u c tio n s, th e fo llo w in g hypoth esis r e la tiv e to th e ro le which v a lu es p la y in ju s tif y in g fa v o ra b le o r u n fav o rab le a ttitu d e s tow ard Jews* In view o f th e dynamic q u a litie s of th e v a lu es -31- Ji

36 and the operation of the ra tio n a liza tio n mechanism, dominant valueb w ill be reflected sig n ific a n tly in reasons given for being and not being anti-s em itic, and to ta l number of reasons given w ill d ifferen t i a t e highs and lows in anti-sem itism. G eneral Comments In th e th e o r e tic a l d isc u s s io n p reced in g t h e fo rm u latio n of th e h y p o th eses, th e read er w ill n o te t h a t only th e im portance o f v alu es as fa c to rs in p re ju d ic e was s tr e s s e d. Because of t h i s f a c t, th e w r ite r may have given th e im p ressio n t h a t th e v alu es fu n c tio n in a vacuum, as i t w ere, as d eterm in ers of v a ry in g degrees of r a c i a l p re ju d ic e. A ctually, on th e b a sis of c e r ta in c r u c ia l stu d ie s of th e p e rs o n a lity s tr u c tu r e of th e p re ju d ic e d in d iv id u a l^ - and on th e b a s is of o b serv atio n s th a t m ight b e made based on c e r ta in p sy ch o lo g ical system s, a d d itio n a l f a c to rs m ight b e c ite d as determ in ers o f r a c ia l p re ju d ic e. These a d d itio n a l f a c to r s, i t m ight be p o in ted o u t, in te r a c t v ery in tim a te ly w ith th e v a lu e h ie ra rc h y p re se n t i n th e in d iv id u a l s p e rs o n a lity as what m ight be term ed fu n c tio n a l d eterm in ers o f p re ju d ic e d b e h a v io r. In f a c t, s in g lin g out s p e c if ic determ in ers o f p re ju d ic e o r any o th e r ty p e o f p e r cep tu al o r b eh av io ra l p a tte r n of th e in d iv id u a l is a h ig h ly a r t i f i c i a l 1 c. f. p. 1 th e p re se n t p ap er. c. f. Freud (1 7 ), Tolman (4 8 ), Lewin (28) (2 9 ), D o llard, Doob, e t a l, (1 3 ). F u n c tio n a l, o r as Bruner and Goodman (7) r e f e r t o them, b eh av io ral d eterm in ants of p e rc e p tio n a re th o se a c tiv e, a d a p tiv e fu n ctio n s of th e organism which lead to th e governance and c o n tro l o f a l l h ig h e r- lo v e l fu n c tio n s, in c lu d in g p e rc e p tio n ; th e laws of le a rn in g and m otiv a tio n, such p e rs o n a lity dynamics as re p re s s io n, th e o p e ra tio n o f quasi-tem peram ental c h a r a c te r is tic s lik e in tro v e rs io n and e x tra v e rsio n, s o c ia l needs and a t t i t u d e s, and so on." These a re c o n tra ste d w ith authochthonous o r s tr u c tu r a l determ in ants which stem from p ro p e rtie s of th e nervous system o f th e organism.

37 p ro ced u re. An u ltim a te u n d erstan d in g of p re ju d ic e d b ehavio r, in th e w r i te r 's o p in io n, can only be u n d ersto o d through a com plete a n a ly sis of th e t o t a l s tr u c tu r e o f and in flu e n c e s on th e in d iv id u a l p e rs o n a lity. Y et, as was brought out p re v io u sly, an u n d erstan d in g of s in g le d e te r m iners of p re ju d ic e can s t i l l be o f g ro at v alu e in a re -e d u c a tio n p ro gram when i t is n ecessary to deal w ith a g re a t many in d iv id u a ls sim u l ta n e o u sly. As an example o f o th e r in te r a c tin g fu n c tio n a l determ iners of p re ju d ic e we m ight p o in t out th a t in te n s ity of r a c ia l p re ju d ic e may be in flu e n c e d by th e f r u s t r a t i o n of needs o th e r th a n th o se t h a t might be d ir e c tly r e la te d to th e o b je c ts of p re ju d ic e, by c e r ta in em otional fa c to r s in th e p e r s o n a lity development of th e in d iv id u a l, o r by what may be term ed, p a th o lo g ic a l p e rs o n a lity p a tte r n s. M ille r and Bugelslci in D o lla rd, Doob, e t a l (1 3 ) give an e x p e rim ental example of how f r u s tr a tio n of needs n o t d ir e c tly r e la te d to th e o b je cts o f p re ju d ic e may r e s u lt in an in c re ase d amount of p re ju d ic e. A group of boys in a camp, who looked forw ard to t h e i r w eekly t r i p in to town to a tte n d th e Bank Night a t th e th e a tr e, were f r u s tr a te d in t h e i r d e s ire to g e t to tow n by being fo rc e d to ta k e a group of t e s t s rh ic h were v eiy long and d u l l. I t was found th a t th e a ttitu d e s tow ard two groups of fo re ig n e rs, Mexicans and Jap an ese, as measured by t e s t s b e fo re and a f t e r th is f r u s t r a t i o n, became s ig n if ic a n tly le s s fa v o rab le a f t e r th e f r u s tr a tin g s e t of c ircu m stan ces. As an example of how o e rta in em otional fa c to rs in th e p e rs o n a lity development of th e in d iv id u a l may fu n c tio n as determ iners o f r a c ia l p re ju d ic e, Frenlcel-Brunsw ik and S anford (18) s e le c te d a group of g i r l s

38 high in a n ti-s em itism as measured by a t e s t o f a n ti-s e m itism and adminis te r e d c e r ta in p r o je c tiv e p e rs o n a lity devices such as t h e Thematic A pperception T e st, and th e R orschach. I n a d d itio n, th e g i r l s w ere subje c te d to c l i n i c a l in te rv ie w s. From t h i s stu d y th e y found th a t th e mechanism o f re p re s s io n a p p a re n tly stemming from unconscious h a tre d, meanness, je a lo u s y, and su sp ic io n tow ard p a re n ta l f ig u r e s, was o p e ra t ing in th e p e rs o n a lity s tr u c tu r e of th e s e g i r l s. The in v e s tig a to rs conclude th a t th is re p re s s io n may w e ll be a s ig n if ic a n t determ in ant of th e a n ti-s e m itic te n d e n c ie s which th e y re v e a le d. The f a c t th a t p a th o lo g ic a l p e rs o n a lity p a tte rn s may fu n c tio n as a determ inant of r a c ia l p re ju d ic e is brought out by A llp o rt (2) whan he suggests t h a t p aran o iad te n d e n c ie s, f o r exam ple, may serv e as determ iners o f a n ti-s e m itism. Krech and C ru tc h fie ld (26) commenting on t h i s p o s s ib ility s ta te * * "The paran o iac liv e s in a w orld o f d ire su sp ic io n s; and, a g a in, _if and when he f ix a te s th e s e su sp ic io n s ( o r d e lu sio n s 1) on members of a s p e c if ic r a c ia l group, we have b e lie f s and a ttitu d e s in the s e rv ic e of th e p e c u lia r needs of th e p a th o lo g ic a l p a ra n o ia c. These b e lie f s and a ttitu d e s g iv e meaning to h is a c tio n s and j u s t i f y h is b e h a v io r." Thus i t can be re a d ily seen th a t th e re may be many fu n c tio n a l dete rm in a n ts o f r a c i a l p ro ju d io e in te r a c tin g w ith th e p erso n s v a lu e h ie ra rc h y. "While we a re n o t unm indful of th e complex in te r a c tio n among a l l of th e s e v a r ia b le s, in th e p re sen t stu d y we cannot hope to do f u l l j u s t i c e to a l l of them. In ste a d we a re r e s t r i c t in g o u rselv es to a 6tudy of th e ro le which v alu es play in an ti-s em itism. ^ p. 449 above c i t. 34

39 METHODOLOGY Sample In te s tin g t h e hypotheses, 169 -white, non-jew ish stu d e n ts e n ro lle d in the w r i te r 's in tro d u c to ry psychology c la s se s a t M ichigan S ta te C ollege w ere u sed. Table I p re se n ts a breakdown of th e se 169 s u b je c ts w ith re sp e c t to se x, r e lig io n, c o lle g e c la s s and number of male v e te ra n s and n o n -v e te ra n s. I t w ill be observed th a t th e r e a re 116 males and 53 fem ales i n o u r sam ple; 121 P r o te s ta n ts, 32 C a th o lic s, and 16 in d iv id u a ls who in d ic a te d no r e lig io u s p re fe re n c e ; 10 freshm en, 92 sophomores, 49 ju n io rs, and IB s e n io rs ; 68 male v e te ra n s and 4B male n o n -v etera n s. In o rd er to a v o id the o p e ra tio n o f a " s e le c tiv e fa c to r" in th e s e le c tio n of th e s u b je c ts, th e s u b je c ts in th e sample were re q u ire d to a tte n d th e experim ental te s tin g s e s s io n in v o lv ed in th e stu d y on th e b a s is of a d epartm en tal requirem ent th a t a l l stu d e n ts e n ro lle d in th e in tro d u c to ry psychology course a re re q u ire d to c o n trib u te a t le a s t th re e hours o u tsid e of c la s s as s u b je c ts in p sy ch o lo g ical experim ents. Procedure The e n tir e group of 169 s u b je c ts g ath ered in a la rg e classroom a t an appointed tim e and were given th e fo llo w in g in s tr u c tio n s ; "As you know, you have been req u ested to be p re se n t th is evening in o rd e r to p a r tic ip a te in a p u b lic opin io n and p e rs o n a lity stu d y. Now, I know th a t i t would be v e ry sim ple f o r you to m erely 'go through th e m otions' and n o t h o n e stly g iv e me your f u l l co o p eratio n in doing th e few th in g s t h a t w ill be req u ested of you. However, you d id have to go out o f your way a l i t t l e t o come h ere to n ig h t, and i t seems r a th e r f o o lis h, now -35-1

40 TABLE I A BREAKDOWN OF THE 169 SUBJECTS BY SEX, RELIGION, CLASS, AMD VETERAN STATUS Sex Mai es Females P ro te s ta n ts 121 R elig io n C ath o lics 32 No P refe re n c e 16 Freshm en 10 Class Sophomores 92 Ju n io rs 49 S eniors 18 Male V eteran s 68 V eteran S ta tu s Male Non-Veterans 48 Female V eterans 0-36-

41 t h a t you a ro h ero, n o t to give your f u l l co o p e ra tio n. Only i f you g iv e your f u l l co o p eratio n w ill t h i s stu d y be w orth anyth in g, so p le a se h elp us out and r e a lly co o p e ra te. Answer a l l q u estio n s as h o n e stly as you can, keeping in mind t h a t none of th e opinions t h a t you g ive w ill in any way be held a g a in s t you, sin c e you w ill n o t be asked to s ig n your name on any of th e forms th a t you may re c e iv e. So p le a se make an honest and s in c e re e f f o r t to co o p erate. " F ir s t of a l l you w ill be given a g en eral in fo rm atio n sh e e t w ith a number on i t. F i l l t h i s in com pletely. I f you have any q u estio n s about i t, I w ill be g lad to answ er them. A fte r you have com pletely f i l l e d in t h i s f i r s t B heet, r a is e y o u r hand and you w ill be given a second sh e e t w ith some q uostions on i t th a t you a re asked t o answer. As soon as you g et th is second sh eet p lace th e number th a t appears on th e f i r s t sh e e t in th e uppor r ig h t hand c o m e r of th e second sh e e t. When you have answered a l l of th e q u estio n s on th e second sh e e t as comp le te ly as you can, r a i s e your hand ag ain and th e f i r s t two sh eets w ill be c o lle c te d as a p u b lic o p in io n n a ire is passed out to you. Im m ediately- as soon as you g et t h i s p u b lic o p in io n n a ire, p lace e x a c tly th e same number on i t in th e uppor r ig h t hand c o m e r as was p re se n t on th e o th o r two s h e e ts. "When you have com pletely f i l l e d out th e p u b lic o p in io n n a ire, r a is e your hand a g a in and a sim ple p e rs o n a lity t e s t w ill bo given you as th e o p in io n n a ire is c o lle c te d. A gain, p lace th e same number in th e upper rig h t hand co rn er on th e f i r s t page o f t h e p e rs o n a lity t e s t. F i l l in th e p e rs o n a lity t e s t com pletely and le av e i t on th e ta b le in fro n t b e fo re you le a v e.

42 "Remember, always p lace th e number th a t is on th e f i r s t s h e e t on a l l m a te ria ls you re c e iv e in th e upper r ig h t hand co rn er as soon as you g e t th e m a te r ia l, Answer every q u e s tio n on every form as com pletely as you can. The f i r s t sh e e t w ill now be handed out to you. I f you have any questio n s a t a l l, I w ill be glad t o answer them. By th e way, th e d ire c tio n s f o r answ ering q u estio n s on th e form s is r ig h t on th e form in each case. I w ill d isc u ss th e r e s u lts of t h i s stu d y w ith you in c la ss b efo re th e end of th e te rm, so r e a lly co o p erate so th a t th e study w ill be w orthw hilel" The purpose of t h i s ty p e o f s tr u c tu r in g was obvio u sly to m o tiv ate th e su b jo c ts to as high a d eg ree as p o s s ib le. Evidence dem onstrating th a t t h e s u b je c ts were a p p a re n tly q u ite h ig h ly m otivated was th e f a c t th a t n o t a s in g le s u b je c t f a i le d to f i l l out th e v a rio u s q u estio n sh eets and forms com pletely. The forms re fe r r e d to in th e in s tr u c tio n s were th e P u b lic Opinion Q u estio n n aire, r e a lly a g en eral in fo rm atio n sh e e t (se e Appendix IV) designed t o o b ta in d a ta concerning th e n a tu re of th e sam ple, th e a n t i - Sem itism s c a le, th e Study of V alues, and a q u a s i-ro le p lay in g devioe (se e Appendix V) designed to o b ta in statem en ts f o r b ein g and n o t-b ein g p re ju d ic e d f o r purposes of te s t i n g th e h y p o th esis concerning v a lu e s and reasons f o r p re ju d ic e. The q u a s i-ro le p lay in g d ev ice is sim ply a sh eet w ith in s tru c tio n s t o th e su b je c t f i r s t to play th e ro le o f an in d iv id u a l who is p r e j udiced a g a in st Jews and s t a t e as many reasons f o r being p reju d io ed as he can. Then he is req u ested to play th e ro le of an in d iv id u a l not p re ju d ic e d a g a in s t Jews and s t a t e as many reasons f o r n o t being p r e j u diced as he can. 38

43 This d ev ice "was ad m in istered b e fo re th e an ti-s em itism s c a le and c o lle c te d b e fo re th e s u b je c ts re ceiv ed th e an ti-s em itism s c a le, sin ce th e s u b jo c ts might p o ssib ly have looked over th e an ti-s em itism s c a le, observed t h a t i t co n tain ed a la rg e number of " reaso n s f o r bein g p r e j udiced a g a in s t Jews, and th e n proceeded to go back to th e "reaso n s f o r p re ju d ic e d ev ice, f i l l in t h e i r new-found "re aso n s" and th u s in v a lid a te th is q u a s i-p ro je c tiv e device f o r d eterm in in g th e fa v o ra b le and unfavorable a ttitu d e s tow ard Jew s. A ll of th e m a te ria l used i n g a th e rin g tho d a ta were m atched in term s of th e numbers in t h e upper r ig h t hand c o m e r. A fte r t h i s was done, th e fo llo w in g m a te ria l oom pleted by each s u b je c t was s ta p le d t o gether* (1) th e g en eral in fo rm atio n s h e e t; (2 ) th e "reaso n s f o r p r e j u d ice" d ev ice; (3) th e L evinson-sanford A nti-s em itism S c ale; (4 ) th e A llp o rt-v ern o n Study of V alues. A n aly sis of nhe Data Tho d a ta was analyzed in th e fo llo w in g manner* (1 ) In o rd er to t e s t th e hypotheses concerning th e re la tio n s h ip between each of th e s ix v alu es and a n ti-s e m itism, th e P earso n ian product-moment c o r re la tio n c o e f fic ie n t betw een each d is tr ib u tio n of v a lu e sco res and an ti-s e m itism sco res was computed. As a f u r th e r means o f an aly zin g th e n a tu re o f th e s e r e la tio n s h ip s, th e d is tr ib u tio n Y/as d iv id e d in to fo u r q u a rte rs on th e b a sis of th e a n ti-s em itism s c o re s. Q tr^ included th e 25% of th e sample who scored low est on th e an ti-s em itism s c a le (low p re ju d ic e group); Qtrg included th e next 25?' (medium low p re ju d ic e group); Q tr^ th e next h ig h e st 25% -39-

44 (medium high p re ju d ic e group); Q tr^ th e h ig h e st s c o re rs on th e s c a le (h ig h p re ju d ic e g ro u p ). The mean v alu e scores i n each o f th e se q u a rte rs was th e n computed, and a s t a t i s t i c a l com parison among t h e means, using F ish er* s t r a tio t e s t (1 5 ), was made. (2) In o rd e r t o t e s t th e h y p o th esis concerning th e v a lu e p a tte rn s p resen t in high and low p re ju d ic e gro u p s, th e sco res made by each subj e c t on th e s ix v a lu e su b -sc a le s were transfo rm ed to rankings from 1 to 6. Tho v a lu e th a t th e s u b je c t sco red th e h ig h e st on was ranked no. 1, th e n ext h ig h e st no. 2, and so on. The mean rankings fo r th o v alu es in each o f th e fo u r q u a rte rs was th e n determ ined. These mean rankings were in tu rn converted t o rankings from 1 to 6. In each q u a rte r, th e v a lu e w ith th e h ig h e st mean rank was ranked no. 1, th e n ext h ig h e st no. 2, and so on. An o rd er o f dominance p a tte rn of th e s ix v alu e s in each of th e fo u r q u a rte rs was th u s computed. The j u s t i f i c a t i o n fo r th e use o f th is ran k in g p ro ced u re, which has p rev io u sly been used by C a n tril (9) and McGinnies (3 3 ), stems from th e f a c t t h a t th e raw sco re s o b tain ed on th e s ix v a lu e s u b -sc a le s a re in r e a l i t y only r e la tiv e sc o re s, s in c e th e combined t o t a l of th e raw sco res on th e s ix v a lu e su b -sc a le s m ust always be 180, as p o in te d o u t by Allporfc and Vernon ( 5 ). (3 ) To t e s t the hypothesis concerning reasons fo r prejudice and the values, an analysis, in the high and low prejudice groupb of a ll of the reasons for being and not being prejudiced was made by the w riter and two other judges. This analysis wqs designed to compare the number of reasons in th e high and low groups which c le a r ly r e fle c te d any of th e -40-

45 s ix v a lu e s, in terms of S p ran g er s d e s c rip tio n s. I f a l l th re e judges ag reed th a t a reaso n was in flu e n c e d by a p a r tic u la r v a lu e, i t was t a l l i e d u nder th e v a lu e in q u e stio n. I f any disagreem ent occurred i t was t a l l i e d under m iscellan eo u s re a so n s". I t was th u s p o ssib le to determ ine th e e x te n t t o which dominant v a lu e s determ ined th e conten t o f reasons f o r p re ju d ic e in th e high and low groups. The t o t a l number of reasons in th e h ig h and low p re ju d ic e groups was a lso t a l l i e d. The s ig n ific a n c e o f t h e d iffe re n c e betw een th e means of th e a n ti-j e w is h and p ro -Jew ish reasons in th e high and low groups wa3 th e n determ ined. This in d ic a te d th e e x te n t to which number of reasons is an index of th e r e la tiv e in te n s ity of an ti-s em itism. (4 ) C e rta in in c id e n ta l d a ta was o b tain ed during th e process of g a th erin g d a ta to t e s t th e h y p o th eses. I t was decided to u t i l i z e th e s e d a ta and determ ine th e s ig n if ic a n c e of c e r ta in in ter.-g ro u p d iffe re n c e s on th e a n ti-s e m itism s c a le and Study of V alues, and re p o rt them, even though no hypotheses concerning th e s e d a ta had been fo rm u lated. -41-

46 RESULTS T h e o re tic a l V alues and T h e ir R e la tio n sh ip to A nti-sem itism The f i r s t hypothesis s ta te s th a t th e o r e tic a l v alu es and a n t i - Sem itism a re in co n g ru en t. In term s o f o u r s c a l e s, th e re fo re, a n e g ativ e re la tio n s h ip should e x is t betw eai sco res on th e a n ti-s em itism s c a le and sco res on th e th e o r e tic a l v a lu e s u b -s c a le. Table I I shows th e means, sta n d a rd d e v ia tio n s, and c o r re la tio n coe f f ic ie n ts between eachof;the Six v alu es and an ti-s em itism. I t can be seen from T able I I t h a t th e c o r r e la tio n between th e o r e tic a l values and a n ti-s em itism is , i n th e hypoth esized d ir e c tio n, b u t n o t s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t. On t h i s b a s is, i t appears t h a t th e hypothesis is not upheld. However, the presence of a s lig h t tre n d in th e p re d ic te d d ire c tio n w arran ts a study of th e n a tu re of t h e r e la tio n s h ip. Table I I I p re se n ts th e th e o r e tic a l s c o re means and o th e r s t a t i s t i c a l c h a r a c te r is tic s fo r th e fo u r q u a rte rs of th e anti-s em itism d is tr ib u tio n.^ - In T able I I I i t can be observed th a t th e means f o r q u a rte rs 1, 2, 3 and 4, a re 29.69, , , and , re s p e c tiv e ly. The ste p -w is e d iffe re n c e s th a t e x is ts among th e lower th re e q u a rte rs, f u r th e r supports th e tre n d in d i cated by th e c o r r e la tio n. I t a lso su g g ests th a t th e high sco res i n th e high group a p p a re n tly reduced th e s iz e o f th e c o r re la tio n c o e f f ic ie n t. * S t a t i s t i c a l l y s ig n if ic a n t s ta n d a rd d e v ia tio n d iffe re n c e s e x is t b e tween th e low er two q u a rte rs and th e upper two q u arte rs (5 % le v e l of co n fid e n c e), which in d ic a te t h a t w ith re sp e c t t o th e o r e tic a l v a lu e s, Q uarters 1 and 2 a re more heterogeneous th a n Q uarters 3 and

47 TABLE I I 'HANS, STANDARD DEVIATIONS AND THE PRODUCT-MOMENT CORRELATIONS BETWEEN THE SIX VALUES AND ANTI-SEMITISM (N - 169) S cale M S D r P A-S T n.s. E AE _ S P R n. s. -43-

48 TABLE I I I MEANS, STANDARD DEVIATIONS, AND STANDARD ERRORS OF THE MEAN OF THEORETICAL VALUE SCORES FOR ANTI-SEMITISM QUARTERS 1, 2, 3 AND 4 Qfcr N M S D se/ m <1 CD -44-

49 Table IV p re se n ts th e s t a t i s t i c a l com parison among th e se fo u r q u a rte rs. I t w ill be observed from Table IV, th a t a s t a t i s t i c a l l y s ig n if ic a n t d iffe re n c e ^ {1% le v e l of confid en ce) e x is ts between Q uarters 1 and 3. No o th e r s t a t i s t i c a l l y s ig n if ic a n t d iffe re n c e s e x is t. These i n te r - q u a r te r d ata do n o t p re se n t tre n d s p o s itiv e enough to u n c o n d itio n a lly su p p o rt th o h y p o th e sis. I t must be conoluded, th e r e f o r e, th a t on th e b a s is of t h e in s ig n if ic a n t c o r re la tio n t h a t was found, th is hypoth esis has n o t been a d eq u ately upheld, even though a s lig h t tre n d e x is ts which su g g ests th a t th e o r e tic a l v alu es and an ti-s em itism may be in co n g ru en t. Economic Values and T h e ir R e la tio n sh ip to A nti-s em itism The second hypoth esis s ta t e s th a t economic v alu es and an ti-s em itism are co n gruent. In term s of o u r s c a le s, th e r e fo r e, a p o s itiv e r e la tio n ship should e x is t betw een sco re s on th e an ti-s em itism s c a le and sco res on th e economic v a lu e s u b -s c a le. The r betw een economic and a n ti-s e m itism scores (T able I I ) is.311, which i s s ig n if ic a n t a t th e 1% le v e l o f co n fid en ce. This would appear to uphold th e h y p o th e sis. A study of th e n a tu re of t h i s r e la tio n s h ip w ill a ffo rd f u r th e r in s ig h t in to t h i s fin d in g. Table V shows th e economic sco re means and re la te d s t a t i s t i c a l c h a r a c te r is tic s f o r th e fo u r q u a rte rs of th e a n t i - Sem itism d is tr ib u tio n. I t can be gleaned from Table V t h a t th e means are 2 7.B3 (le w s), (medium low s), (medium h ig h s ), and * With d ire c tio n of d iffe re n c e hypothesized and 82 d. f. (42 cases in each q u a rte r) t must be 1.66 and 2.4 1, to be s ig n if ic a n t a t 5% and 1% le v e ls of confidence re s p e c tiv e ly. -45-

50 TABLE IV STATISTICAL COMPARISON OF THEORETICAL SCORES IN ANTI-SEMITISM QITART3RS 1, 2, 3, AND 4 Q trs Diff/M S S t P 1 & Xl«s 1 & & n.s. 1 & 2 1. IB 1.6B.70 n.s. 2 & n.s. 3 & 4 1.B n.s. -46-

51 TABLE V MEANS, STANDARD DEVIATIONS, AND STANDARD ERRORS OF THE MEANS OF ECONO!aC VALUE SCORES IN ANTI-SEMITISM QUARTERS 1, 2, 3, AND 4 Q tr N M S D se/ m

52 (h ig h s ). With th e ex cep tio n o f th e medium low group, ste p -w ise in creases in economic v a lu e sco res go w ith in c re a se s in an ti-s em itism. U niform ity w ith re sp e c t to economic v alu es in th e e n tir e low p re ju d ic e h a lf of th e d is tr ib u tio n is a ls o in d ic a te d. T able VI p re se n ts th e s t a t i s t i c a l com parison among th e s e fo u r q u a rte rs. I t w ill be observed from T able V I, t h a t s t a t i s t i c a l l y s ig n if ic a n t d iffe re n c e s e x is t betw een Q u arters 1 and 4 (1% l e v e l), 2 and 4 (1% l e v e l), and 3 and 4 (5% le v e l). The r e s u lts of th e in te r - q u a r te r a n a ly sis, th e r e f o r e, f u r th e r supports. th e h y p o th e sis. This f a c t, coupled w ith th e s ig n if ic a n t o v e r-a ll c o r re la tio n t h a t was found, in d ic a te s t h a t economic v alu es and a n t i - Sem itism a re congruent. Aes th e t i c Values and T h e ir R e la tio n sh ip t o A nti-s em itism The t h i r d h y p o th esis s ta te s th a t a e s th e tic v a lu e s and an ti-s em itism a re in co n g ru en t. In term s of o u r s c a le s, th e re fo re, a n e g a tiv e r e la tio n s h ip should e x is t between sco res on th e a n ti-s e m itism and sco res on th e a e s th e tic v a lu e s u b -s c a le. The r betw een a e s th e tic and an ti-s em itism sco res (T able I I ) is , which is s ig n if ic a n t a t th e 1% le v e l of confidence. This would appear t o uphold th e h y p o th e sis. F u rth e r in s ig h t in to t h i s fin d in g can be o b tain ed by a stu d y of th e n a tu re of t h i s r e la tio n s h ip. T able V II p re se n ts th e a e s th e tic sco re means and r e la te d s t a t i s t i c a l c h a r a c te r is tic s fo r th e fo u r q u a rte rs of th e an ti-s em itism d is tr ib u tio n. In T able V II i t can be observed th a t th e means a re , , , and f o r th e low, medium low, -48-

53 TABLE VI STATISTICAL COMPARISON OF ECONOMIC SCORES IN ANTI-SEMITISM QUARTERS 1, 2, 3, AND 4 Qfcrs D iff/m S E t P 1 & & n.s. 2 & & n.s. 2 & n.s. 3 &

54 TABLE VII MEANS, STANDARD DEVIATIONS, AND STANDARD ERRORS OP THE MEANS OF AESTHETIC VALUE SCORES IN ANTI-SEMITISM QUARTERS 1, 2, 3, AND 4 Q tr N M S D se/ m l.ob

55 medium h ig h, and high groups, re s p e c tiv e ly. among th e low, medium h ig h, and h ig h groups. S tep-w ise d iffe re n c e s e x is t R e la tiv e u n ifo rm ity among th e low p re ju d ic e h a lf is a lso su g g ested. I t can be seen from Table V III th a t s t a t i s t i c a l l y s ig n if ic a n t d i f feren ces a t th e 1% confidence le v e l e x is t betw een Q uarters 1 and 4, 2 and 4, and 3 and 4. The presence of th e s ig n if ic a n t n e g a tiv e c o rre la tio n supported by evidence in the in te r - q u a r te r a n a ly s is, th e r e f o r e, j u s t i f i e s th e conc lu sio n th a t a e s th e tic valu es and an ti-s e m itism a re in co n g ru en t. S o c ia l V alues and T h e ir R e la tio n sh ip to A nti-s em itism The fo u rth h y p o th esis s ta te s th a t s o c ia l v a lu es and an ti-s em itism a re in co n g ru en t. In term s of our s c a le s, th e r e fo r e, a n e g a tiv e r e la tio n s h ip should e x i s t between sco res on th e a n ti-s e m itism s c a le and sco res on th e s o c ia l s u b -s c a le. An r o f (T able I I ) s ig n if ic a n t a t th e 5% le v e l of confidence, between s o c ia l and an ti-s em itism s c a le s c o re s, tends t o su p p o rt th e h y p o th esis. Table IX shows th e means and r e la te d s t a t i s t i c a l c h a r a c te r is tic s of th e s o c ia l v a lu e sco res f o r th e fo u r an ti-s em itism q u a rte rs. I t can be observed th a t th e means a re , 31.67, 30.64, f o r th e low, medium low, medium h ig h, and high a n ti-s em itism groups, re s p e c tiv e ly. This in d ic a te s c le a r - c u t ste p -w ise d iffe re n c e s amont th e fo u r q u a rte rs. The re a d e r w i l l n o te from Table X th a t s t a t i s t i c a l l y s ig n if ic a n t d iffe re n c e s a t th e 5% confidence le v e l e x is t between Q uarters 1 and 4, and 2 and

56 TABLE V III STATISTICAL COMPARISONS OF AESTHETIC SCORES IN ANTI-SEMITISM QUARTERS 1, 2, 3, AND 4 Qtrs D iff/m S S t P 1 & & n.s. 2 & & XX*s a CO 2 & <3c ocn 52-

57 TABLE IX MEANS, STANDARD DEVIATIONS, AND STANDARD ERRORS OF THE MEANS OF SOCIAL VALUE SCORES IN ANTI-SEME TISM QUARTERS 1, 2, 3, AND 4 Q tr N M S D se/ m

58 TABLE X STATISTICAL COMPARISONS OF SOCIAL SCORES IN ANTL -SEMITISM QUARTERS 1, 2, 3, AND 4 Q trs D iff/m S E t P 1 & & n.s. 2 & & n.s. 2 & n.s. 3 & n.s. -54-

59 The presence of ste p -w ise d iffe re n c e s among a l l fo u r q u a rte rs and th e s t a t i s t i c a l l y s ig n if ic a n t d iffe re n c e s between 1 and 4 and 2 and 4, tend to len d fu rth e r su p p o rt to th e h y p o th e sis. On th e b a sis of th e se in te r - q u a r te r a n a ly s is d a ta and th e presence of a s ig n if ic a n t n e g a tiv e c o r r e la tio n, i t can b e, th e r e f o r e, concluded th a t s o c ia l v alu es and a n ti-s e m itism a r e in co n g ru en t. P o l i t i c a l Values and T h eir R e la tio n sh ip to A nti-s em itism The f i f t h h y p o th esis s ta te s th a t p o l i t i c a l v alu es and an ti-s em itism a re congruent. In term s of o u r s c a le s, th e r e f o r e, a p o s itiv e r e la tio n sh ip should e x is t between sco res on th e an ti-s e m itism and s o c ia l v alu e s c a le s. A c o r r e la tio n c o e f f ic ie n t of.322 (T able I I ), s ig n if ic a n t a t th e I % le v e l o f co n fid en ce, was found between th e s e two v a r ia b le s. This upholds th e h y p o th e sis. Table XI p re se n ts th e means and r e la te d s t a t i s t i c a l d a ta of th e p o l i t i c a l v a lu e sco res f o r th e fo u r q u a rte rs o f t h e an ti-s em itism d is tr i b u t i o n. The means a re , , , and in th e low, medium low, medium h ig h, and high an ti-s em itism groups, re s p e c tiv e ly. This in d ic a te s ste p -w ise d iffe re n c e s among th e fo u r q u a rte rs. I t can be observed from Table X II th a t s t a t i s t i c a l l y s ig n if ic a n t d iffe re n c e s a t th e 1% confidence le v e l e x is t betw een Q uarters 1 and 4, 1 and 3, 2 and 4, and 4 and 3. The presence of ste p -w ise d iffe re n c e s among a l l fo u r q u a rte rs and th e s t a t i s t i c a l s ig n ific a n c e of s e v e ra l of th es.a d iffe re n c e s, stro n g ly supports th e h y p o th e sis. 55

60 TABLE XI LEANS, STANDARD DEVIATIONS, AND STANDARD ERRORS OF THE MEANS OF POLITICAL VALUE SCORES IN ANTI-SEMITISM QUARTERS 1, 2, 3, AND 4 Q tr N M S D se/ m o CO / -56-

61 TABLE XII STATISTICAL COMPARISONS OF POLITICAL SCORES IN ANTI-SEMITISM QUARTERS 1, 2, 3, AND 4 Qfcrs D iff/m S B t P 1 & & & & n.s. 2 & & 4.14 l.ob.13 n.s. -57-

62 I t can, th e r e fo r e, be concluded, th a t on th e b a sis of th e evidence from th e in te r - q u a r te r a n a ly s is and th e e x iste n c e of a s ig n if ic a n t p o s itiv e c o r r e la tio n, p o l i t i c a l v alu es and an ti-s em itism a re congruent. R elig io u s Values and T h e ir R e la tio n sh ip to A nti-s em itism The s ix th h y p o th esis s ta t e s th a t r e lig io u s v alu e s and an ti-s em itism a re in co n g ru en t. In term s of our s c a le s, th e r e f o r e, a n e g a tiv e r e la tio n sh ip should e x is t between sco res on th e an ti-s em itism s c a le and scores on th e re lig io u s v a lu e s u b -s c a le. I t was found (T able I I ) th a t a c o r re la tio n of , n o t s t a t i s t i c a l l y s ig n if ic a n t, e x is ts between re lig io u s v alu es and anti-s em itism. This does n o t su p p o rt our hypothesis s a t i s f a c t o r i l y, so th e hypothesis must be r e je c te d. However, t h i s r is in th e hypothesized d ir e c tio n, so an a n a ly sis of th e n a tu re of t h i s re la tio n s h ip appears to be w arran ted. Table X III p re se n ts th e moans and r e la te d s t a t i s t i c a l c h a r a c te r is t i c s of th e re lig io u s sco res in th e fo u r p re ju d ic e q u a rte rs. The read er w ill n o te in T able X III th a t th e means are , , , and f o r th e low, medium low, medium h ig h, and high an ti-s em itism groups re s p e c tiv e ly. I n te r - q u a r te r d iffe re n c e s do n o t approach s t a t i s t i c a l s ig n ific a n c e, as can be seen in Table XIV. The r e s u lts shown above th e n, do n o t su p p o rt th e hypothesis reg ard ing th e incongruence o f r e lig io u s v alu es and an ti-s em itism. We may conclude t h i s s e c tio n of th e r e s u lts by adding th a t th e an ti-s em itism d is tr ib u tio n was a lso broken down according to sex, and an in v e s tig a tio n of th e re la tio n s h ip between each v alu e and an ti-s em itism in th e male and fem ale groups was made. A ll of th e trends p resen ted above wore su p p o rted. -58-

63 TABLE X III LEAHS, STANDARD DEVIATIONS, AND STANDARD ERRORS OF THE MEANS OF RELIGIOUS VALUE SCORES IN ANTI-SEMITISM QUARTERS 1, 2, 3, AND 4 Q tr N M S D se/ m

64 TABLE XIV STATISTICAL COMPARISONS OF RELIGIOUS SCORES IN ANTI-SEMITISM QUARTERS 1, 2, 3, AND 4 Qfcrs D iff/m S E t P 1 & n. s. 1 & n.s. 2 & n.s. 1 & n. s. 2 & n.s. 3 & n.s. -60-

65 The R e la tio n sh ip Between V alue P a tte rn s and A nti-sem itism The sev en th hypoth esis is t o th e e f fe c t th a t a n ti-s e m itic in d iv id u a ls a re dominated by p o l i t i c a l and economic v a lu e s, while in d iv id u a ls r e la tiv e ly le s s a n ti-s e m itic a re dom inated by a e s th e tic, th e o r e tic a l, s o c ia l, and re lig io u s v a lu e s. As was su g g ested in th e methodology s e c tio n o f th e p re se n t p ap er, a t e s t o f th is hypothesis was e ffe c te d by computing an o rd er of dominance p a tte r n o f th e s ix v alu es in term s of rankings from 1 to 6, f o r th e fo u r q u a rte rs o f th e anti-s em itism d i s t r i b u tio n. By th e method d e sc rib e d in th e methodology s e c tio n, mean rankings were determ ined f o r t h e fo u r q u a rte rs of t h e anti-s em itism d is tr ib u tio n f o r each of th e s ix v a lu e s. These mean rankings and r e la te d s t a t i s t i cal c h a r a c te r is tic s ap p ear in T able XV. I t w i l l be observed from Table XV t h a t f o r th e low p re ju d ic e group (Qtr-^) th e mean rankings a re a e s th e tic 2.0 0, th e o r e tic a l 3.1 7, s o c ia l 2.5 7, re lig io u s 2.6 2, economic 4.6 9, and p o l i t i c a l 4.B 3. "When th e se mean rankings a re converted to rankings from 1 to 6 th ey ap p ear in th e fo llo w in g o rd er from h ig h e st to low est: a e s th e tic, s o c ia l, r e lig io u s, t h e o r e t ic a l, economic, and p o l i t i c a l. In th e medium low p re ju d ic e group (Q trg) th e mean rankings a re a e s th e tic 3.0 2, th e o r e tic a l 3.1 9, s o c ia l 3.0 7, re lig io u s 3.0 0, economic 4.2 9, and p o l i t i c a l 'When co n v erted, th ey appear in th e fo llo w in g o rd e r: r e lig io u s, a e s th e tic, s o c ia l, th e o r e tic a l, p o l i t i c a l, and economic. In t h e medium h ig h p re ju d ic e group (Q tr^) th e mean rankings a re a e s th e tic 4.1 6, th e o r e tic a l 4.2 8, s o c ia l 3.4 2, re lig io u s 3.3 8, economic -61-

66 TABLE XV MEANS, STANDARD, ERRORS, AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS, OP THE SIX VALUE SCORES CONVERTED TO RANKINGS IN ANTI-SEMITISM QUARTERS 1, 2, 3, AND 4 N QTR AE T VALUES S R E P 42 1 H S.E to o S.D M S E» o tọ S.D M S *E« S.D M ee S.E S.D

67 3.4 0, and p o l i t i c a l When converted, th e y ap p ear in th e follow ing o rd er: p o l i t i c a l, r e lig io u s, economic, s o c ia l, a e s th e tic, and th e o r e tic a l. In th e h ig h p re ju d ic e group (Q tr ) th e mean rankings a re a e s th e tic , th e o r e tic a l 4.6 9, s o c ia l 3.8 6, re lig io u s 3.5 7, economic 2,36, p o l i t i c a l VJhen converted, th e y appear in th e fo llo w in g o rd er: p o l i t i c a l, economic, r e lig io u s, s o c ia l, th e o r e tic a l, and a e sth e tic * F ig u re I p re se n ts th e s e v a lu e h ie ra rc h ie s g ra p h ic a lly on th e b a s is o f th e mean v a lu e sco res in each q u a rte r. I t w ill be n o ted in F ig u re I th a t w ith th e ex cep tio n of th e medium high p re ju d ic e group (Q tr^ ), which appears to be dom inated by p o l i t i c a l and re lig io u s v a lu es r a th e r th a n by p o l i t i c a l and economic v a lu e s as hypoth esized, th e p re d ic te d v alu e p a tte rn s appear to e x i s t. Values as F acto rs in Reasons f o r P re ju d ic e The eig h th hypothesis s ta t e s th a t th e dominant v a lu e s in th e high and low an ti-s em itism groups w ill fu n c tio n as s ig n if ic a n t determ iners o f th o typos of reasons given f o r being and n o t being p re ju d ic e d, and th e number of reasons given w ill be an index of th e in te n s ity of a n t i - Sem itism. Ac has been e s ta b lis h e d in th e h y p o th esis d iscu ssed above, th e dominant valu es in th e high group a re p o l i t i c a l and economic, w hile th e dominant in the low group a re a e s th e tic, th e o r e tic a l, s o c ia l, and re lig io u s. Consequently in o rd er t o support th e f i r s t p art o f th e h y p o th e sis, th e number of economic and p o l i t i c a l reasons given by th o h ig h group -63-

68 1 V * The R e la tiv e Im portance of Values fo r A nti-sem itism Q uarters 1, 2, 3, and 4 in Terms of ^ean Rankings Q trx = o o o o o Qt r 2 Q tr Q tra - Xx X * *X i, 0 o O o Rank 3 A 2 1 AB T S R B P Value -64-

69 should b e s ig n if ic a n tly g re a te r th a n th e number given by th e low group, w h ile t h e number of a e s th e tic, th e o r e tic a l, s o c ia l, and r e lig io u s re a sons given by th e low group should be s ig n if ic a n tly g r e a te r th a n th e number given by th e h ig h group. Table XVI p re se n ts th e number of v a lu e -in flu e n c e d reasons and o th e r reasons given by high and low a n ti-s e m itism groups. I t w ill be noted in T able XVI t h a t th e high group gave 55 economic v a lu e -in flu e n c e d reaso n s, f o r being p re ju d ic e d, w hile th e low group gave 41. The high group gave 14 p o l i t i c a l reaso n s, th e low group 4. The low group gave 14 r e lig io u s reaso n s, th e high group 13. N e ith e r group gave any th e o r e t i c a l, a e s th e tic, o r s o c ia l v a lu e -in flu e n c e d reasons f o r being p r e j u d iced. I t w i l l a ls o be noted th a t th e low group gave 25 th e o r e tic a l v a lu e - in flu en ced reasons f o r n o t being p re ju d ic e d, th e h ig h group IB. The h igh group gave 14 Economic reaso n s, th e low group 10. The low group gave 3 a e s th e tic re a so n s, th e high group 2. The high group gave 22 s o c ia l re a so n s, th e low group 21. The high group gave 8 p o l i t i c a l reaso n s, th o low group 4. The low group gave 17 re lig io u s re a so n s, th e h ig h group 10. A tre n d e x is ts in d ic a tin g th e o p e ra tio n o f economic and p o l i t i c a l v alu es to a g re a te r extenb in th e high an ti-s em itism group th a n in th e low, both in a n t i - and pro-jew ish reaso n s, len d in g some su p p o rt to our h y p o th e sis. A s lig h t tre n d e x is ts in d ic a tin g th e g re a te r in flu e n c e of th e o r e tic a l and r e lig io u s v a lu e s in th e pro-jew ish reasons given by th e low group. However, n e ith e r of th e s e tre n d s is s t a t i s t i c a l l y s ig n if ic a n t. -65-

70 TABLE XVI NUMBER OF VALUE-INFLUENCED AND MISCELLANEOUS REASONS IN HIGH AND LOY/ ANTI-SEMITISM GROUPS TYPE OF REASON POS. A-S ON SCALE N T E AE VALUE S p R MISC. TOTAL A n ti- Jow ish High 25/S Low 25 % P ro- J ewia h High 25J? Low 255?

71 Thus, w hile th e s e r e s u lts a re h ig h ly su g g e stiv e th e f i r s t p a rt of th e hypothesis has n o t been c le a r ly u p h eld. In o rd e r t o uphold th e second p a rt of th e h y p o th e sis, th e number of reasons given f o r b ein g a n ti-s e m itic should be s ig n if ic a n tly g re a te r in th e high p re ju d ic e group th an in th e low p re ju d ic e group, w hile th e number of reasons g iv en f o r n o t being a n ti-s e m itic should be s i g n i f i c a n tly g r e a te r in th e low p re ju d ic o group. Table XVII p re se n ts a s t a t i s t i c a l comparison of th e reasons f o r p re ju d ic e given by th e h ig h (Q tr4 ) and low (Q tr^) groups. I t w ill be noted in T able XVII th a t th o high group gave an average of 3.88 reasons f o r being p re ju d ic e d, w h ile th e low group gave The d iffe re n c e of 1.21 is s ig n if ic a n t a t t h e 1 ' le v e l of confid en ce. I t w i l l a lso be n o ted th a t th o h ig h group gave an average of 2.88 reasons f o r not being p re ju d ic e d, w h ile th e low group gave The d iffe re n c e of.69 is s ig n if ic a n t a t th e 5^ le v e l of confidence. These d a ta appear t o uphold tho second p a rt of our h y p o th e sis. J t may be concluded th a t th e number o f reasons g iv en by groups f o r being and n o t being a n ti-s e m itic serv es as a r e lia b le index of w hether th e groups a re high o r low in a n ti-s e m itism. Some In c id e n ta l R esults This s e c tio n of th e p re se n t paper w ill be devoted to th e p resen tatio n of o e r ta in in c id e n ta l r e s u lts t h a t were o b tain ed o r wore made e a s ily o b ta in a b le in th e process of te s tin g th e hypotheses. These r e s u lts can be se p a ra te d in to two g e n e ra l p a r ts. (1) R esults th a t d eal w ith c e r ta in in te r-g ro u p d iffe re n c e s on th e an ti-s em itism / - 67-

72 r \ TABLE XVII A STATISTICAL COMPARISON OF THE NU?!B3R OF PREJUDICED AND RON-PREJUDICED REASONS GIVEN BY THOSE IN THS HIGH AND LOW GROUPS ON THE AITTI-SEUITISM SCALE Q tr N M SD SE/Fn S E /d iff/:'ji d iff/l*. t P PREJUDICED REASONS NON-PKEJUDICED REASONS e o en - 66-

73 s c a le. (2 ) R esu lts th a t d eal w ith sex d iffe re n c e s on the s ix v a lu e s u b -s c a le s. No attem p t w i l l be made to make d e ta ile d analy ses of th e s e r e s u lts ; but re fe re n c e to e x is tin g s tu d ie s which e ith e r ag ree o r d isa g re e w ith th e r e s u lts w ill b e made when th e y a r e a p p lic a b le, o r a re a v a ila b le. C e rta in In tra-g ro u p D ifferen ces on th e A nti-s em itism Scale In Table XVIII is found th e r e s u lts r e la tin g to c e r ta in in te r-g ro u p d iffe re n c e s w ith re sp e c t t o sco res on th e Levinson-Sanford A nti-sem itism s c a le. These r e s u lts in d ic a te th a t no s t a t i s t i c a l l y s ig n if ic a n t d i f f e r ences e x is t betw een th e fo llo w in g p a irs of groups: male v e teran s and male n o n -v e te ra n s, stu d e n ts who have n o t ta k e n th e E ffe c tiv e L iving course'*' a t M ichigan S ta te C ollege and stu d e n ts who have had th re e term s of th e co u rse, C ath o lics and P r o te s ta n ts, C ath o lics and in d iv id u a ls w ith no re lig io u s p re fe re n c e, P ro te s ta n ts and th e no p re fe re n c e group, and a combined group of freshm en and sophomores as compared w ith a oombined group of ju n io rs and s e n io rs. A d iffe re n c e s ig n if ic a n t a t th e 5% le v e l of confidence was found between th e m ale and fem ale su b je c ts in our 2 sam ple, fem ales m a n ife stin g le s s an ti-s e m itism th a n m ales. The E ffe c tiv e L iving co u rse a t M ichigan S ta te C ollege devotes a cons id e r a b le p o rtio n of c la s s tim e to a d e lib e r a te attem p t to reduce r a c ia l p re ju d ic e. Dahnke (12) found, c o n tra ry to th e p re se n t r e s u lts, t h a t th e course d id reduce p re ju d ic e s ig n if ic a n tly. The r e s u lts in v o lv in g th e r e lig io u s, v e te ra n -n o n -v e te ra n, college, c la s s, and m ale-fem ale sub-groups a re in agreem ent w ith r e s u lts of an unpublish ed stu d y an aly zin g th e s e group d iffe re n c e s as p a rt o f a c la s s p ro je c t in so cio lo g y. A random sample of th e stu d e n ts on th e M ichigan S ta te C ollege campus was u se d. However, in ste a d of th e an ti-s em itism s c a le, an in te rv ie w tech n iq u e was used to determ ine in te n s ity of p re ju d io e. This stu d y, com pleted in 1949, was d ire c te d by M. Rokeach.

74 TABLE XVIII A STATISTICAL COMPARISON OP CERTAIN GROUPS ON THE ANTI-SEMITISM SCALE GROUPS N M SD D if f. t P Male V e ts. Male non V e ts ee n.s. Males Females term s E. L. 3 term s E. L n.s. ; C ath o lics P ro te s ta n ts n.s. C ath o lics No P referen ce n.s. P ro te s ta n ts No P referen ce n.s. Preshmen-Sophomores Ju n io r-s e n io rs n.s. -70-

75 I Sex D ifferences on th e Six Value Sub-Scales In T able XIX is found th e r e s u lts of an aly zin g sex d iffe re n c e s on th o s ix su b -sc a le s of th e A llport-v ernon Study o f V alues. I t can be seen in Table XIX t h a t fem ales a re s ig n if ic a n tly h ig h er in a e s th e t i c (1?6 le v e l) s o c ia l (5$ le v e l) and re lig io u s (1% le v e l) v a lu e s. The males a re s ig n if ic a n tly h ig h er in p o l i t i c a l, economic, and th e o r e t i c a l v alu es ( a l l a t 1% le v e l of co n fid e n c e ).^ These r e s u lts ag ree w ith th e fin d in g s o f C a n tril and A llp o rt ( 9 ), P in tn e r (3 8 ), and Hartman (2 2 ). ^ With re sp e c t to sco re s on th e A e sth e tic Value S u b -scale men a re s ig n if ic a n tly more heterogeneous th a n women (1% le v e l of c o n fid ence). -71-

76 TABLE XIX A STATISTICAL COMPARISON OP MALE AND FEMALE SCORES ON THE SIX VALUE SUB-SCALES VALUE SEX N M SD D if f. t P M T P M E F M AE F M S F M P F M R F

77 DISCUSSION OF RESULTS R elated Research Since th e u n d ertak in g of th e p re se n t stu d y, two other s tu d ie s have been com pleted which d e a l w ith th e problem of th e re la tio n s h ip of S p ra n g e r's v a lu e s and p re ju d ic e. However, th e c o n sid e ra tio n s of t h i s problem by Gough (19) and Dahnke (12) a re m erely sm all p a rts of m ajor re se a rc h p r o je c ts, so th e problem i s not pursued by th e s e in v e s tig a to rs to any g re a t e x te n t. At any r a t e, a comparison of th e re s u lts in th e p re se n t stu d y w ith th e r e s u lts in th e se s tu d ie s is in o rd e r. Gough a d m in istered th e A llport-v ernon s c a le t o a group of high school s e n io rs f o r whom he alre a d y had an ti-s em itism s c o re s. He d iv id ed th e group in to highs and low s, w ith 27 s u b je c ts in each group, and computed t r a tio s w ith re sp e c t to in d iv id u a l s u b -scale s c o re s. Gough had n o t form ulated any s p e c ific hypotheses r e la tiv e to th e fin d in g s, b u t he found a d iffe re n c e i n s o c ia l v a lu e scores in th e two groups s ig n if ic a n t a t th e 5% le v e l o f confid en ce, which is c o n s is te n t w ith th e p re se n t r e s u l t s. A t r a tio o f 1.7 5, approaching s ig n ific a n c e, was found in th e case of th e economic v a lu e s, which is a lso c o n siste n t w ith th e p re se n t r e s u l t s. However, c o n tra d ic to ry evidence was found in th e case of th e p o l i t i c a l v a lu e s, in which a d iffe re n c e, although n o t s t a t i s t i c a l l y s ig n if ic a n t, was found in th e d ir e c tio n o p p o site to th e p resen t r e s u lts.^ - The d iffe re n c e in th e r e s u lts in th e p re se n t paper and Gough's r e s u lts may be a ttr ib u te d t o th e f a c t th a t th e high school sample he ^ The read er w ill r e c a l l t h a t W ickert (53) and L u rie (31) found s ig n if ic a n t p o s itiv e c o rre la tio n s betw een th e economic and p o l i t i c a l su b -scale s which would be a f u r th e r reason fo r n o t ex p ectin g th is r e s u lt of Gough's (1 9 ).

78 used m ight have been s ig n if ic a n tly d if f e r e n t in c h a ra c te r th a n our sample of c o lle g e s tu d e n ts, th e sm a lle r numbers in th e upper and lower groups (27 in Gough's stu d y to our 4 2 ), o r th a t th e two s c a le s used ( th e Study of Values and A nti-sem itism ) m ight n o t be v a lid and r e lia b le f o r younger s u b je c ts in th e se n se th a t they would be f o r more m ature s u b je c ts. This f a c to r m ight be p a r tic u la r ly s ig n if ic a n t, sin c e both Vernon and A llp o rt (50) and Levinson and Sanford (27) used predom inantly co lle g e stu d o n ts as s ta n d a rd iz a tio n groups. As in t h e p resen t stu d y, Dahnke a lso used M ichigan S ta te C ollege stu d e n ts (N*s300). However, Dahnke's sample in clu d ed a g re a te r number o f freshm en and sophomores th a n w ere p re sen t in th e w r i te r 's sam ple. Dahnke d id not use th e an ti-s em itism s c a le, b u t used two o th er t e s t s of g en eral m in o rity group p re ju d ic e, th e P re ju d ic e S cale of th e Minnes o ta id iltip h a s ic P e rs o n a lity In v en to ry developed by Gough, and Cook's Opinion Survey. He computed product moment r 's between each v a lu e su b -scale and th e sco re s on th e two p re ju d ic e t e s t s. He found s ig n if ic a n t n e g ativ e c o rre la tio n s betw een p re ju d ic e sco res and s o c ia l and a e s th e tic values and s ig n if ic a n t p o s itiv e c o rre la tio n s between th e p re ju d ic e sco res and th e p o l i t i c a l and economic v a lu e s. A s lig h t n e g a tiv e c o rre la tio n (not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s ig n if ic a n t) was found between p re ju d ic e sco res and re lig io u s and th e o r e tic a l v a lu e s. Dahnke's r e s u lts and o u r r e s u lts appear t o be e s s e n tia lly th e same. The r e s u lts in th e p re se n t stu d y a lso agree w ith Gough's r e s u lts to th e e x ten t th a t o u r fin d in g s w ith re sp e c t to s o c ia l and economic v alu es were th e same, w ith th e tre n d s fo r th e o th e r v a lu e s, w ith th e excep tio n of p o l i t i c a l, being in th e same d ire c tio n. 74-

79 P o ssib le E xplanations f o r R ejected Hypotheses In th e r e s u lts i t was s ta te d th a t th e o r e tic a l v alu es d id n o t appear to be s ig n if ic a n tly r e la te d t o an ti-s em itism in th e hypothesized negat i v e d ir e c tio n. Why w a s n 't th e hypothesis upheld? A p o ssib le answer to th is q u e stio n is found in o u r e a r l i e r th e o r e tic a l d isc u s s io n. We made th e p o in t t h a t th e t h e o r e tic a l in d iv id u a l would ten d to be i n t r a - c e p tiv e. However, i t was su g g ested th a t some th e o r e tic a l in d iv id u a ls, because of being stro n g ly em p iric a l in t h e i r approach to problem s, might te n d to be somewhat e x tra c e p tiv e. This r a is e s th e p o s s ib ility th a t b oth in tra c e p tiv e and e x tra c e p tiv e th e o r e tic a l in d iv id u a ls might sco re high on th e th e o r e tic a l v a lu e s c a le. S ince in tra c e p tio n is re la te d to to le ra n c e and e x tra c e p tio n to in to le ra n c e, i f even a r e la tiv e ly few e x tra c e p tiv e th e o r e tic a l in d iv id u a ls sco red high on th e s c a le, i t could m a te ria lly reduce th e s ig n ific a n c e of any n e g ativ e re la tio n s h ip between th e o r e tic a l v alu es and a n ti-s e m itism t h a t m ight be p re s e n t. The p o s s ib ility of th e p resence of b o th in tra c e p tiv e and ex tracep t i v e th e o r e tic a l in d iv id u a ls provides a b a s is f o r f u r th e r re se a rc h. I t is p o s sib le t h a t the d iffe re n c e may be s im ila r t o th e d iffe re n c e th a t may b e p re se n t between s o c ia l s c ie n tis t s and p h y sic a l s c i e n t i s t s. A com parison of r e la tiv e s tr e n g th of p re ju d ic e betvfeen th e s e tvro group3, may in i t s e l f have some b e a rin g on th is problem. On an a p r io r i b a sis th e w r i te r has observed t h a t th e s o c ia l s c ie n tis t s a re r e la tiv e ly le ss p reju d ic e d th a n th e p h y sical s c i e n t i s t s. Of co u rse, a c r i t i c a l examin a tio n of th is p o s s ib ility would re q u ire th e u t i l i z a t i o n o f a s c a le th a t d if f e r e n tia te d between in tra c e p tiv e and e x tra c e p tiv e in d iv id u a ls, and a d m in iste rin g i t to h ig h s c o re rs on th e A llport-v ernon th e o r e tic a l s c a le.

80 The h y p o th esized n e g a tiv e tre n d in th e r e la tio n s h ip betw een re lig io u s v a lu e s and an ti-s em itism was a ls o n o t found to bo s ig n if ic a n t. In a d d itio n, th e fin d in g s r e la tiv e t o th e p o s itio n o f re lig io u s v alu es in th e v alu e p a tte rn s of th e fo u r a n ti-s e m itism q u a rte rs appears to bo r a th e r p arad o x ic al (F ig u re I ). R elig io u s v alu es appear to play an eq u ally im portant p a rt in b o th extrem e q u a rte r g ro u p s. The re a d e r w ill r e c a ll th a t in th e medium lov; group, re lig io u s v alu es rank No. 1 and in th e medium high group th ey rank No. 2, w hile in both th e high and low a n ti-s e m itism groups re lig io u s v a lu e s rank No. 3. Yfliat explains th e s e a p p a re n tly p arad o x ical fin d in g s? A p o s s ib le ex p la n a tio n is t o be found in a c o n sid e ra tio n of th e ty p e of re lig io u s n e s s th a t is measured by th e r e lig io u s v a lu e s c a le. K irk p a tric k (25) lias n o ted th a t hum anitarianism and r e lig io n in th e narrow sense th a t i t is p re se n t in many in d iv id u a ls a re n e g a tiv e ly corr e la te d. However, C lark in Values in P e rs o n a lity Research (54) and R osonblith (41) su g g est tho p o s s ib ility of th e presence of a p o s itiv e o r h um anitarian r e lig io n as w ell as a narrow r e lig io n th a t tends to breed in c re a se d eth n o cen trism. I t is p o s sib le th a t th e re lig io u s s c a le does n o t r e lia b ly d if f e r e n tia te betw een in d iv id u a ls who a re r e lig io u s in the hum anitarian and th e narrow, re lig io u s sen se. I f th is is a v a lid assum ption, i t would be expected th a t th o low p re ju d ic e groups scored high in re lig io u s v a lu e r, because of th o p resence of a stro n g hum anitarian r e lig io n, w hile th e high p re ju d ic e groups sco red high in re lig io u s v alu es because of th e p resen ce of a s tr o n g, narrow ty p e of r e lig io u s n e s s. This would ex p la in th e ap p aren t am biguity in th e r e s u l t s.

81 The absence of a s ig n if ic a n t tre n d in d ic a tin g th a t th e dominant v alu es determ ined th e kinds o f reasons g iv en by th e high and low a n ti- Semitism groups, can be ex p lain ed on th e b a s is of an a n a ly s is of th e reasons t h a t were g iv en. I t was found th a t th e m ajo rity of th e s u b je c ts, b o th p reju d iced and u n p reju d ic ed, w ere in flu e n c e d by e x is tin g ste re o ty p e s concerning th o Jews in c o n s tru c tin g t h e i r re a so n s. Most of th e p re ju d ic e d re a sons m erely in d ic a te d a n acceptance o f a p re v a le n t n e g a tiv e s te re o ty p e, w hile most of th e u n p reju d ic ed reasons m erely d isco u n ted p re v a le n t n eg ativ e s te re o ty p e. In o th er w ords, most reasons had t o do w ith an acceptance o r r e je c tio n of th e cla n n ish n e ss, re lig io u s d iffe re n c e, " d if f e r e n t appearance, "shrew dness", "shady" fin a n c ia l a c t i v i t i e s, o r s im ila r n e g a tiv e s te re o ty p e s of th e Jew s. I t appears t h a t s te re o ty p e s, th e re fo re, were more im portant as determ in ers of reasons given by both groups, th a n th e v alu es as such. G eneral Comments The tre n d in th e r e s u lts in g en eral which in d ic a te s t h a t a n t i - S em itic in d iv id u a ls a re dom inated by economic and p o l i t i c a l v alu es have some fa r-re a c h in g th e o r e tic a l im p lic a tio n s when we c o n sid e r i t in terms of th e problem of reducing a n ti-s e m itism and p reju d ic e g e n e ra lly. J. Edward Todd (47) has made a p e n e tra tin g a n a ly sis of valu es in American c u ltu r e. He p o in ts out th a t in th e U nited S ta te s th e v ery s o c ia l s tr u c tu r e encourages th e developm ent o f economic and p o l i t i c a l v alu es and th e y a re th e re fo re dominant v a lu e s. On th e o th e r hand, he suggests t h a t by v i r t u e of th a t same s o c ia l s tr u c tu r e, a e s th e tic,

82 r e lig io u s, s o c ia l and th e o r e tic a l values a re th e le a s t emphasized as im portant to " g e ttin g a h e a d. I f we a re to assume t h a t Todd s a n a ly s is is a v a lid one, i t would appear t h a t our v e ry s o c ia l s tr u c tu r o is developing v alu es in in d iv id u a ls th a t a re most in c o n s is te n t w ith t o l e r a n t, dem ocratic b ehav io r and a t t i t u d e s. This would in d ic a te th a t in o rd e r to reduce p re ju d ic e in our c u ltu r e, we would have th e immense problem of changing our com plete s o c ia l s tr u c tu r e w ith i t s emphasis on co m p etitio n and th e o th e r p re c ip i- ta rrts of economic and p o l i t i c a l v a lu e developm ent. However, sin c e attem p ts to change "o u r American way of l i f e would develop b i t t e r antagonism on th e p a rt o f most A m ericans, i f e x is tin g a ttitu d e s tow ards c e r ta in " r a d ic a l groups is any c r i te r i o n, i t w ill bo n e c e ssa ry, in o rd er to reduce th e lik e lih o o d of over-developm ent of economic and p o l i t i c a l v a lu e s, to fin d ways to s tr e s s th e im portance of th e o th er v a lu e s by v i r t u e of t h e i r p o s itiv e w orth in term s of m ain tain ing th o p re se n t s o c ia l s tr u c tu r e a t a h ig h e r le v e l. I t i s, of co u rse, n o t w ith in th e scope of th e p re se n t paper to pursue t h i s problem any f u r th e r, b u t th e w r ite r f e e ls th a t th e im p licatio n s of tho r e s u lts of t h i s stu d y would len d them selves to a f u r th e r, more thorough a n a ly s is in term s of th e b ro ad er problems of re ta rd in g p re ju d ic e and undem ocratic b eh av io r g e n e ra lly. 78

83 SUMMARY The p re se n t study was concerned w ith th e problem of p erso n al values as fa c to rs in an ti-s em itism. In o rd er to measure p erso n al v a lu e s, th e A llport-v ernon Study of V alues was u sed. I t m easures th e r e la tiv e s tre n g th of S p ra n g e r's s ix v a lu e s, th e o r e tic a l, economic, a e s th e tic, s o c ia l, p o l i t i c a l, and r e lig io u s. A nti-sem itism was measured by th e Levinson-Sanford A nti-sem itism S cale. Hypotheses were form ulated th a t s ta te d th a t th e o r e tic a l, a e s th e tic, s o c ia l, and r e lig io u s v alu es a re n e g a tiv e ly re la te d to an ti-s em itism, w hile economic and p o l i t i c a l v alu es a re p o s itiv e ly r e la te d t o a n t i - Sem itism. A nother hypoth esis s ta te d th a t in an o rd e r of dominance p a tte rn c o n s is tin g of a l l s ix v a lu e s, high sco rers on the an ti-s em itism s c a le a re most dom inated by economic and p o l i t i c a l v a lu e s, w hile low sco re rs a re most dom inated by t h e o r e t ic a l, a e s th e tic, s o c ia l, and r e lig io u s v a lu e s. A f in a l hypothesis s ta te d th a t in d iv id u a ls s i g n i f i c a n tly r e f l e c t t h e i r dominant v alu es in th e reasons th ey give f o r being and n o t being a n ti-s e m itic, and th a t th e number o f reasons given servos as a r e lia b le index of th e p o s itio n on th e an ti-s em itism s c a le. In o rd er to t e s t th e se hypotheses, th e Study o f V alues, a n t i - Sem itism s c a le, and a q u a s i-ro le -p la y in g device designed t o o b ta in th e reasons s u b je c ts could g iv e f o r being and n o t bein g a n ti-s e m itic ware ad m in istered t o a group of 169 M ichigan S ta te C ollege s tu d e n ts. A n ti- Sem itism and each v alu e was c o rre la te d, th e an ti-s em itism d is tr ib u tio n was d iv id ed in to fo u r q u a rte rs and th e fo u r q u a rte rs were s t a t i s t i c a l l y compared w ith re sp e c t t o each v a lu e, th e sco res in each q u a rte r were converted to rankings from 1 to 6, and th e upper and lower q u a rte rs

84 were s t a t i s t i c a l l y compared with ro sp e c t t o th o number of v a lu e - in flu enced reasons fo r p re ju d ic e given and th e t o t a l number of reasons given. F in a lly, c e r ta in group d iffe re n c e s on th e an ti-s em itism and v alu e s c a le s w ere s t a t i s t i c a l l y compared. The fo llo w in g co n clu sio n s were reached on th e b a s is of th e t e s t s of th e hypotheses: (1) S ig n ific a n t n e g a tiv e re la tio n s h ip s e x is t between a e s th e tic and s o c ia l v a lu e s and a n ti-s em itism. (Hypotheses confirm ed). (2) S ig n ific a n t p o s itiv e re la tio n s h ip s e x is t between p o l i t i c a l and economic v alu es and an ti-s e m itism. (Hypotheses confirm ed) (3) Ho s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n s h ip s between th e o r e tic a l and re lig io u s v a lu e s and an ti-s em itism e x i s t, a lth o u g h a s lig h t tre n d in d i c a tin g a n e g a tiv e r e la tio n s h ip was found. (Hypotheses n o t confirm ed )» (4) The v alu e p a tte r n s, in t h e o rd e r of dominance f o r th e fo u r an ti-s em itism q u a rte rs a re as fo llo w s: H ighs p o l i t i c a l, economic, r e lig io u s, s o c ia l, th e o r e tic a l, a e s th e tic ; medium h ig h s p o l i t i c a l, r e lig io u s, economic, s o c ia l, a e s th e tic, th e o r e tic a l; medium lows r e lig io u s, a e s th e tic, s o c ia l, t h e o r e t i c a l, p o l i t i c a l, economic; lows a e s t h e t ic, s o c ia l, r e lig io u s, t h e o r e t ic a l, eoonomic, p o l i t i c a l. (H ypothesis e s s e n tia lly confirm ed ). (5 ) Dominant v a lu e p a tte rn s w ere not s ig n if ic a n tly r e fle c te d in reasons g iv en f o r b ein g and n o t being a n ti-s e m itic, b u t number of reasons given proved to b e a r e l i a b l e index o f th e p o s itio n -80-

85 on th e a n ti-s e m itism s c a le, w ith highs g iv in g s ig n if ic a n tly more p re ju d ic e d and few er u n p reju d iced reasons than low s. (H ypothesis p a r tly confirmed)* An a n a ly s is of c e r ta in in c id e n ta l d a ta rev ealed th a t women were s ig n if ic a n tly le s s a n ti-s e m itic th a n men. Ho s ig n if ic a n t d iffe re n c e s on th e an ti-s em itism s c a le were found betw een th e follow ing groups* re lig io u s groups (C ath o lics and P r o te s ta n ts ) and no re lig io u s p r e f e r ence group, m ale v e te ra n s and male n o n -v e te ra n s, a combined group of freshm an and sophomores and a combined group of ju n io rs and s e n io rs, and stu d e n ts who had n ev er e n ro lle d f o r th e E ffe c tiv e Living Course a t M ichigan S ta te C ollege and a group who had th re e term s of th e co u rse. I t was found t h a t women a re s ig n if ic a n tly h ig h e r th a n men in a e sth e t i c, s o c ia l, and r e lig io u s v a lu e s, w h ile men a r e s ig n if ic a n tly h ig h er th a n women in p o l i t i c a l, economic, and th e o r e tic a l v a lu e s. 81 I

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87 16. Ford, C. A. The A llp o rt-v ern o n Study of Values ap p lied to 465 e n te rin g freshm en ( a b s tr a c t). P sychol. B u i., 1933, 30, Freud, S. The b a sic w ritin g s of Sigmund F reud. T rans, by A. A* B r i l l. Hew Yorki Random House, Evenkel-Brunsw ik, E., and S anford, R. N. Some p e rso n a lity fa c to rs in a n ti-s e m itism. J. P sychol., 1945, 20, Gough, H. G. S tu d ies o f s o c ia l in to le ra n c e. To appear in J. Soc. P sy c h o l., H a rris, D. Group d iffe re n c e s in values" w ith in a u n iv e r s ity. P sy c h o l. B u i., 1933, 30, H a rtle y, E. Problems in p re ju d ic e. New Yorkj K ing's Crown P re s s, Hartman, G. W. Sex d iffe re n c e s in v a lu a tio n a l a t t i t u d e s. J. so c. P sy c h o l., 1934, 5, K atz, D., and B raly, K. R acial s te re o ty p e s of one-hundred colleg e s tu d e n ts. J. abnorm. so c. P sy chol., 1933, 28, Kay, L i l l i a n W. Frame of re fe re n c e in "pro" and " a n ti" evalu atio n s of t e s t item s. J. so c. P sychol., 1947, 25, K irk p a tric k, C. R e lig io n and hum anitarianism * a study of i n s t i t u tio n a l im p lic a tio n s. P sychol. Monogr., 1949, 63, Whole No K rech, D., and C ru tc h fie ld, R. Theory and problems of s o c ia l psychology. New York* McGraw-Hill, Levinson, D. J., and S an fo rd, R. N. A s c a le f o r th e measurement of a n ti-s e m itism. J. P sychol., 1944, 17, Lev/in, K. A dynamic th e o ry of p e rs o n a lity. New York: McGraw-Hill, ~ 29.. P rin c ip le s of to p o lo g ic a l psychology. New York* MoGraw- H i l l, Likerfc, R. A tech n iq u e fo r th e measurement of a t t i t u d e s. Arch. P sy chol., No L u rie, W. A. A stu d y o f Spranger*s v alu e ty p es by th e method of f a c to r a n a ly s is. J. so c. P sychol., 1937, 8, McGinnies, S. P erso n al v alu es as determ in ants of word a s s o c ia tio n. J. abnorm. so c. P sy c h o l., 1950, 45,

88 33. McGinnies, E., and Bowles, W. P ersonal v alu e s as d eterm in ants of p e rc e p tu a l f ix a tio n. J. P e rs o n a lity, 1949, 18, M allory, E. B. F a th e r 's o ccupation and boarding sch o o l education as r e la te d t o th e in d iv id u a l's judgment of v a lu e s. P sychol. P u l., 1933, 30, Meehl, P. S., and Hathaway, S. R. The K f a c to r as a su p p resso r v a r ia b le in th e M innesota M ultiphasic p e rs o n a lity in v en to ry. J. a p p l. Psych., 1946, 30, T\irphy, G., and L ik e rt, R. P u b lic opinion and the in d iv id u a l. New Yorks H arp er, Ifarray, H. A., e t a l. E x p lo ratio n s in p e rs o n a lity ; a c lin ic a l and experim entst stu d y of f i f t y men of c o lle g e age. New Yorks Oxford U n iv e rsity P re s s, P in tn e r, R. A com parison of i n t e r e s t s, a b i l i t i e s, and a ttitu d e s. J. abnorm. so c. P sychol., 1933, 27, Postman, L., B runer, J., and McGinnies, E. P ersonal v alu es as s e le c tiv e f a c to rs in p e rc e p tio n. J. abnorm. s o c. P sy c h o l., , 43, Rokeach, M. G en eralized m ental r ig i d i t y as a f a c to r in ethnocentris m. J. abnorm. so c. P sychol., 1948, 43, R o sen b lith, Judy F. A r e p lic a tio n of some roots of p re ju d ic e. J. abnorm. s o c. P sychol., 1949, 44, S ch aefer, B. R. The v a lid i t y and u t i l i t y o f th e A llport-v ernon Study of Values^. J. abnorm. so c. P sy chol., 1936, 27, S pranger, Edward. L ebensfom en. H alle-n iem eyer, Types of Men. (A uthorized t r a n s la tio n of th e above by P. J. YT. P ig o rs ), S p ran g er, E. P sychologie des ju g e n d a lte rs. L eipzig; Q uelle und Meyer S tone, C. L. The p e rs o n a lity f a c to r in v o c atio n a l g u id an ce. J. abnorm. so c. P sy chol., 1933, 28, Sumner, Yf. G. Folkw ays. B oston: Ginn & C o., Todd, J. E. S o c ia l norms and behavior of co llege s tu d e n ts. Bureau of P u b lic a tio n s, T e ach er's C ollege, Columbia U n iv e rsity, Tolman, E. C. P urposive b eh av io r in anim als and men. New York: C entury,

89 49. Vernon, P. B. Some c h a r a c te r is tic s of th e good judge o f persona l i t y. J. so c. P sy chol., 1933, 4, V ernon, P. E., and A llp o rt, G. IV. A t e s t f o r p erso n al v a lu e s. J. abnorm. s o c. P sychol., 1932, 26, Y /hitely, Paul L. A study o f th e A llport-v ernon t e s t f o r p erso n al v a lu e s. J. abnorm. so c. Psychol., 1933, 28, The constancy of p erso n al v a lu e. J. abnorm. s o c. P sychol., 1938, 33, W ick ert, F. The in te r r e la tio n s h ip s of some g en eral and s p e c ific p re fe re n c e s, J. s o c. P sy chol., 1940, 11, W olff, W erner. P e rs o n a lity symposia on ty p ic a l is s u e s, Symposium No. 1. V alues in P e rso n a lity R esearch, New York: Grune and S tr a tto n, 1950.

90 APPENDICES

91 APPENDIX I A STUDY OF VALUES A S c a l e f o b M e a s u r in g t h e D o m in a n t I n t e r e s t s i n P e r s o n a l it y M anual of Directions R e v i s e d E d i t i o n BY GORDON W. ALLPORT AND PHILIP E. VERNON HOUGHTON M IFFL IN COMPANY ron NEW YORK CniCAGO DALLAS ATLANTA SAN FRANCISCO t bt Rfberstot Press Cambrfoge M INTED IN TUB U.S.A

92 COPYRIGHT. I93I irv GORDON W. ALLPORT AND PH ILIP I. V1RHON >LL SUCNTS RRSRRVBD INCLUDING TUB RIGHT TO RRPROOUCf THIS BOOB OR PARTS THRKROP IN ANY PORM tf be fttb ttk lb t ty tttq CA H 8R 1D G H M ASSA CH U SETTS P R IN T E D IN T H B U.S.A

93 3 A STUDY OF VALUES1 P U R P O S E T h is study aims to m easure the relative prom inence of six basic interests or motives in personality: tlie ihcorciical, economic, (Esthetic, social, political, and religious. T he classification is based directly pon Eduard Spranger s Types of M en? a brilliant work which de- 1tends the view th a t th e personalities of men are best know n through a study of their values or evaluative attitudes. Since it is undesirable for those who take the test to know too m uch about its theoretical basis beforehand, any m ention o r discussion of these six values should be deferred until the test has been taken. The scale consists of a num ber of questions, based upon a variety of familiar situations to which two alternative answers (in P a rt I) and four alternative answ ers (in P a rt II) are provided. arc 120 answers, 20 of which refer to each of th e six values, In all there subject records his preferences num erically by the side of each alternative answer. l h e His scores are th en transcribed onto a separate sheet, and the tw enty scores belonging to each of the six values are summed. After applying certain sim ple corrections these six to tal scores are plotted on a profile, so th a t the subject m ay see the significance of his standing on all the values sim ultaneously. I n s t r u c t io n s f o r G iv in g 1. The Study of Values is s e l f -administering. In general no verbal instructions are required, though th e exam iner m ay find it desirable to rend aloud, and if necessary fu rth er explain, the directions to P a rt I; and to tell the subjects th a t as soon as they have com pleted P a rt I they should continue w ith P a rt II. 2. There is no time lim it. M ost subjects require about 20 m inutes to complete the entire test. A lthough they should n o t be stopped A more com plete description of th e theoretical basis and th e construction of th e scale.nay be found in A T est for Personal V alues," by P. E.' Vernon a n d G. W. A llport, Journal oj Abnormal and Social Psychology, 10!I1, X X V I, 3. 'T ra n s la te d from 5th G erm an edition of L ebensfom en, A m erican agent, G. b. * Stechert.

94 before finishing, they should be discouraged from spending too long a tim e over th e questions. 3. The test may be taken in a group or individually. If taken alone, it is desirable to caution th e subject against answering it in collaboration w ith others, or against spending too m uch tim e 011 it. 4. There.should be no explanation of the purpose or constructional the test, before it is taken. Bias of one sort or another is likely to affect th e scores of those who are fam iliar w ith the significance of the questions. F o r this sam e reason, the score sheets should not be given to th e subjects until they have finished taking th e test. 5. Omissions arc permissible but undesirable. Guesses are frequently as significant as more deliberate choices; and omissions m ake the scoring slightly m ore complex. G. Certain groups, not fam iliar until psychological tests, need asmancc and encouragement. If the exam iner detects an air of suspicion or opposition am ong th e subjects, it should be explained that the Study of Values is not a disguised scale for m easuring intelligence, good breeding, or moral knowledge. T he subject m ust be given to understand th a t the results can in no way d etra ct from his standing. Experience has shown th a t, w ith a little encouragement, even groups th a t are unused to psychological tests develop keen interest, especially if they are to be informed of their scores. 4 I n s t r u c t io n s fo r S c o r in g The test is self-scoring. B oth taking and scoring can be completed w ithin one hour. An experienced exam iner, if he chooses, may score the papers himself; the entire process for a single paper should take him eight m inutes or less. Unlike m ost tests of personality, the present scale aims to measure m ore than a single variable. A few subjects m ay find it slightly perplexing to tre a t the six values in the score sheet all a t one time. For this reason it is necessary for the exam iner to study the method of scoring in advance. H e should explain each step, following closely th e directions given on the score sheet, and should be prepared to give further explanations, if called for, regarding th e following points. 1. Treatment o f omitted questions. Since th e sum of th e six final

95 5 scores for every subject m ust be the sam e, it is necessary th a t all omitted answers be treated in the m anner explained on the score sheet. I t is also essential th a t the sum of the m arks for the two answers to any question in P a rt I equal 3, and the sum of the m arks (ranks) for the four answers to any question in P a rt I I equal The order of transcriptions. I t is desirable to warn the scorers that the m arks which they have given to the first (a) answers in P a rt I are not always to be transcribed into the left-hand box on Page 2 of the score sheet. In questions 4, 6, 7, etc., the (a) box is on the right. The same principle applies in P a rt II. 3. Verification of transcriptions and additions. T he scorer should check the accuracy of his transcriptions and additions by verifying at each stage the sum of his m arks according to the figures given in the margins of the score sheet. 4. The totals fo r Part I I arc to be subtracted from the correction figures at the bottom of the third page of the score sheet.1 In order to assist the accuracy of his subtractions, the scorer m ay write these totals again under th e correction figures. 5. Drawing the profile. The six total scores should be plotted as crosses or dots on the vertical lines on the back page of the score sheet. The six crosses or dots m ay then be joined by ruling five short diagonal lines. G. The test has been constructed in such a way that 30 is the average score for any single value. A few subjects obtain profiles th a t are nearly flat, indicating, of course, th a t by this test, their attitudes are equally favorable to all six values. Only the larger peaks or depressions in the profiles are likely to be significant, as shown by the norms printed a t the bottom of the final page of the score sheet. These norms are based on about 4S00 final scores from S00 college students and adults of both sexes. Though the distribution of scores for the 1 The object of these correction figures is two-fold. In l a rt 1 th e highest value receives th e highest scores; hut in P a rt II, th e highest value is given th e lowest scores (ranks). range of total scores in P a rt I is from 30 to 0, in P a rt II from 10 to 40. of each total in P art II from 40 effects the necessary inversion. T h e Ilence the subtraction Secondly, it was found th a t the theoretical and social values were slightly m o reattractiv e th an the others in th e standardization groups, and n small correction for th e unequal popularity of the answers under th e six value-headings has been included a t this stage for the sake of con- ''mience. T h e raw theoretical to ta l for each individual is therefore su b tracted from 39 instead of from 40, the economic to tal (this value being less a ttractiv e ) is subtracted from 41, etc.

96 6 different values varies slightly, a score which is greater th a n 37 or less th a n 24 for any one value is probably significant, since it falls within th e extrem e quintiles. 7. The test measures only the relative strength of the six evaluative altitudes. A high score in one value can be obtained only by reducing correspondingly th e scores on one or m ore of th e other values. In interpreting the results, therefore, it is necessary to bear in mind that they reveal only th e relative im portance of each of the six values in a given personality, not th e total am ount of value energy or drive possessed by an individual. I t is quite possible for the highest value of a generally apathetic person to be less intense and effective than th e lowest value of a person in whom all values are prominent and dynam ic. i R e l ia b il it y a n d V a l id it y i Successive revisions of the te st have shown th a t each theoretical item is positively associated w ith the to tal score' derived from all the theoretical items, and th a t the item s for each of th e other values likewise hang to g eth er consistently. T he split half reliability of the total te st is fairly satisfactory. F o r 770 subjects of both sexes a reliability of was obtained by m ethods which are discussed in the article cited a t the beginning of the pam phlet. In one investigation repeat reliabilities of the total test approxim ate T he validity of the scale cannot be established adequately by the use of ratin g m ethods, since the unfam iliarity of m ost raters with the conceptual nature of th e values m akes for low reliability in their judgm ents. Considering the te st as a whole, correlations of +.45 to +.59 w ith ratings have been obtained (if corrected for attenuation, these figures would indicate an agreem ent of ab o u t ). The reliability and validity for the separate values vary, how ever: aesthetic and religious values are th e m ost satisfactory, social values the least satisfactory. M ore convincing validation comes from an exam ination of the scores of groups whose characteristics are know n. table presents some significant com parisons. T he following T h e highest scores for each group, italicized in th e table, confirm the expectation of common sense. T he low scores on other values are equally significant.

97 7 Sex Differences T heoretical Econom ic.e sthetic Social Political llcligious 1103 males 30. S OS jy.li females 27.(1!) Go combined Illustrative ( Uvupatioiial Differences. ifl students of science (male) Cl students in engineering commercial stu d ents (male) SI salesmanship stu d ents (male) S G students of law (male) students of literature (female) SO missionaries (both sexes) So.O 21.8 IS.!) 20 Ilov Scout leaders n.o «' > Note: Tin* m enu M 'nrr«fo r IIipm* o rcti».ili"n n l gro u p * n ro fo u n d In In' docidcmlly Hgmfic.Ttit w h en s tu d ie d in th e light of th e.vtnti«lieal re lia b ility o f th e d itt rren ees. i v c p ag e H fo r n rc fe rc m v to a d d itio n a l hnlics o f se le c te d group* of Mihjeet.*, S u g g e s t e d U s e s 1. Classroom Demonstration. T he scale lias been found serviceable in courses in general psychology as well as in social psychology and personality. I t provides a concrete medium for introducing students to the problem of interest and motive, and especially, of course, to th e theories of S p ran g er s school of th o u g h t. I t illustrates likewise m an y of th e problem s encountered in th e m easurement of personality (stan d ard izatio n, reliability, validation, in terpretation). Not the least appealing feature of the scale is its practical nature. Students always show an interest in their own scores, and enjoy a discussion of the results. T hey usually feel th a t the classification of the six types of value is useful to them. Of course they should not be encouraged to regard th e types as rigid, but rather to consider them m erely as six of the general attitu d es in personality in respect to which individuals m ay profitably be com pared. 2. Research. In certai.n types of investigation the Study of Values may be found of considerable assistance. I ts possible u tility in th e following lines of research is a p p a re n t: (a) th e stu d y of sex, racial,, vocational and sectional differences; (b) th e change in th e profiles

98 8 of individuals with m atu rity ; (c) the effect of new environm ents or new courses of instruction upon profiles; (d) resem blances between friends and between m em bers of one fam ily; (e) th e relation between values and abilities; (f) th e correlation of this scale w ith other scales directed tow ard th e m easurem ent of interests. 3. Vocational Guidance and Personnel Work. A lthough norm s for different occupations arc not available, th e present test m ay be useful to the vocational counsellor in securing an initial impression of th e interests of his client. T he values m easured are much broader than specific vocational interests; nevertheless, th e preceding table has shown th a t students of science, law, literature, theology, etc., possess distinctive p attern s of values. S p r a n g e r s T y p e s In discussing the Study of Values w ith his subjects, th e examiner m a y find it co nvenient to h av e a t h a n d th e following brief characterization of Sprangcr s types. F or a fuller account he should of course refer directly to Spranger s Types of M en. (1) The theoretical. T he dom inant interest of the theoretical man is th e discovery of truth. In the pursuit of this goal he characteristically takes a cognitive attitu d e, one th a t looks for identities and differences; one th a t divests itself of judgm ents regarding th e beauty or utility of objects, and seeks only to observe and to reason. > Since th e interests of the theoretical m an are em pirical, critical, and rational, he is necessarily an intellectualist, frecpiently a scientist or philosopher.1 Ilis chief aim in life is to order and to system atize his knowledge. (2) The economic. T h e econom ic m an is ch ara cteristically interested in w hat is useful. Based originally upon th e satisfaction of bodily needs (self-preservation), the interest in utilities develops to em brace the practical affairs of th e business world th e production, m arketing, and consum ption of goods, th e elaboration of credit, and th e accum ulation of tangible w ealth. T his type is thoroughly p ra c tic a l and conforms well to th e prevailing stereotype of the average A m erican business m an. 1 I t m ust not be (bought tlm t a high degree of ta le n t or a tta in m e n t is necessary to qualify^ person for classification in this, or in any, ty p e. E ven th e m ost undistinguished personalitiei are to be known not by their achievem ents b u t by th eir interests nnd intentions.

99 9 The economic a ttitu d e frequently comes into conflict w ith other walues. T he economic m an w ants education to be practical, and regards unapplied knowledge as waste. G reat feats of engineering, Taylorism, pragm atism, and applied psychology result from the demands which economic men m ake upon science. T he value of utility likewise conflicts with the {esthetic value, excepting when a rt serves commercial ends. W ithout feeling inappropriateness in his act, the economic m an m ay denude a beautiful hillside or befoul a river with industrial refuse. In his personal life he is likely to confuse luxury with beauty. In his relations with people he is more likely to be interested in surpassing them in wealth than in dom inating them (political attitu d e) or in serving them (social attitude). In some cases the economic m an m ay be said to m ake his religion the worship of M am m on. In other instances, however, lie m ay have regard for the traditional God, b u t inclines to consider Him as the giver of good gifts, of w ealth, prosperity, and other tangible blessings. (3) The (esthetic. The {esthetic man sees his highest value in form and harmony. E ach single experience is judged from the standpoint of grace, sym m etry, or fitness. H e regards life as a manifold of events; each single impression is enjoyed for its own sake. H e need not be a creative artist; nor need he be effete; he is {esthetic if he but finds his chief interest in th e artistic episodes of life. The {esthetic attitu d e is in a sense diam etrically opposed to the theoretical; the form er is concerned with th e diversity, and the latter with the identities of experience. The {esthetic m an chooses, with K ents, to consider tru th as equivalent to beauty, or else to agree with M encken, th a t, to m ake a thing charm ing is a million times more im portant than to m ake it tru e. In the economic sphere the icsthetc sees the process of m anufacturing, advertising, and trade {is a wholesale destruction of the values m ost im portant to him. In social affairs he m ay be said to be interested in persons but not in th e welfare of persons; he tends tow ard individualism and self-sufficiency. /E sthetic people often like th e beautiful insignia of pomp and power, but oppose political activity when it makes for the repression of individuality. In th e field of religion they are likely to confuse beauty w ith purer religious experience. (4) The social. T he highest value for this type is love of people;

100 10 w hether of one or m any, w hether conjugal, filial, friendly, or phil* anthropic.1 T he social man prizes other persons as ends, and is therefore him self kind, sym pathetic, an d unselfish. H e is likely to find th e theoretical, economic, and aesthetic attitu d es cold and inhum an. In contrast to the political type, th e social m an regards love as itself th e only suitable form of power, or else repudiates the en tire conception of pow er as en dangering th e in te g rity of personality. In its purest form the social in terest is selfless and tends to approach very closely to the religious attitu d e. (5) The political. T he political m an is interested primarily in power. H is activities are not necessarily w ithin the narrow field of politics; b u t w hatever his vocation, he betrays himself as a Machtmcnsch. Leaders in any field generally have high power value. Since com petition and struggle play a large p a rt in all life, many philosophers have seen power as the m ost universal and most fundam ental of m otives. There are, however, certain personalities in whom th e desire for a direct expression of this m otive is uppermost, who wish above all else for personal power, influence, and renown.' (0) The religious. T he highest value of the religious m an may be called unity. H e is m ystical, and seeks to com prehend the cosmos as a whole, to relate himself to its em bracing totality. Spranger defines th e religious m an as one whose m ental stru ctu re is permanently directed to the creation of the highest and absolutely satisfying value experience. Some men of this ty p e are immanent m ystics, th a t is, they find in th e affirm ation of life an d in active participation therein their religious experience. A F a u st with liis* zest and enthusiasm sees som ething divine in every event. The transcendental m y stic on th e other hand seeks to unite himself with a higher reality by w ithdraw ing from life; he is th e ascetic, and, like the holy men of India, finds th e experience of u n ity through self-denial and m editation. In m any individuals the negation and affirm ation of life altern ate to yield th e greatest satisfaction. M ixtures. Spranger docs n o t im ply th a t a given m an belongs 1 In th e Stu d y o f I'nines, scores for social interests linvc low reliability, a fa ct which seems to show th a t th is type is not as unified as S pranger believes. Specifically, th e results m ay indic ate the need for tw o d istin ct types: the narrow personalized love nnd the broader, socialiitd and philanthropic love. W h at is ordinarily called sociability and gregariousness seems to bel still different interest.

101 11 exclusively to one or another of these types of values. In every personality, as the present test shows, there exist all of these six values, although usually in v ary in g degrees of prom inence. R e c e n t A p p l i c a t i o n s A summary of all published work employing the Study of Values up to August. 1933, together with a report of several previously mi, 43 ' slied investigations, was issued by II. Cantril and G. AY. Allport. Recent A pplications of the Study of Values, Jouru. Abnorm. it Sor. Psychol , 2S, Among the findings of this study may be m entioned: (1) the verification of norm s an d reliabilities; (;2) the fact th a t the test is uniform ly successful in distinguishing the basic interests of co n trastin g occupational groups; (3) the fact th a t it discloses distinctive patterns of interests in different colleges and educational centers; (t) the fact th a t an individual s attitudes toward clothes, toward conditions m aking for contentm ent in life, tow ard qualities required by th e id e a l person, tow ard th e content of newspapers are all consistent reflections of his own personal values as m easured by th e scale. Concerning the theoretical im plications of the test for the psychology of personality, the authors conclude th a t these values (with the possible exception of the social) m ust be interpreted as self-consistent, pervasive, enduring, and above all generalized, traits of personality. A person s activity is seldom determ ined exclusively by the stim ulus of the mom ent, by a transient interest, or by an attitu d e specific to each situation; it is usually determ ined by general evaluative attitudes which exert a directive effect upon his common activities, oiul in so doing guarantee the stability and consistency of his personality. A c k n o w l e d g m e n t s a n d C o m m u n i c a t i o n s Ilii* original scale a n d th e presen t revision of th e M a n u a l of D irectio n s w ere m ade Possible by th e g e n ero u s co -o p cra tio n of m an y p sy chologists a n d o th e r in v estigators. The list of c o n trib u to rs is u n fo rtu n a te ly to o long to p erm it a n in d iv id u al m en tio n of (heir nam es. The a u th o rs will be g ra te fu l if users of th e scale will c o n tin u e to send d istrib u tio n s of seores (w ith a sta te m e n t of th e ty p e of g ro u p from w hich th e y a re o b ta in e d ), criticism s, *3(1 other re su lts of experience. A ddress c o m m u n icatio n s to G. \V. A llp o rt, E m erson *H;ill, C am bridge, M ass.

102 t PUBLIC OPINION QUESTIONNAIRE This is an in v e stig a tio n of general public opinion concerning Jewish people. The follow ing are statements with which some people agree and others d isa g ree. Please mark each one in the l e f t margin# according to the amount o f your agreement or disagreem ent, by using the follow ing sca le: firm, strong agreement; undoubtedly true in general. + 2 : moderate agreement; true in many cases; often tru e. i 1 : s lig h t agreement; true in some cases; o cca sio n a lly. - 1 : slig h t disagreement; more fa ls e than tru e. - 2 : moderate disagreem ent; u su ally not the case; probably wrong. - 5 : strong disagreement; an absolute m isconception; f a ls e. 1. It would hurt the business of a large concern i f i t had too many Jewish employees. 2, The Jews should make sincere e ffo r ts to rid themselves of th eir conspicuous and ir r it a t in g f a u lt s, i f they r e a lly want to stop being persecuted. 5* In order to maintain a nice r e s id e n tia l neighborhood i t is best to prevent Jews from liv in g in i t, i. War shows up the fact that the Jews are not p a tr io tic nor w illin g to make s a c r ific e s for t h e ir country. 5, The best way to elim inate the Communist menace in th is country is to control the Jewish element which guides i t. 6. Jews seem to prefer the most luxurious, extravagant and J, sensual way o f liv in g. Much resentment against Jews stems from th eir tendency to keep apart and to exclude G en tiles from Jewish so c ia l l i f e. _8. C olleges should adopt a quota system by which they lim it the number of Jews in fie ld s which have too many Jews now. _9. The Jews must.be considered a bad in fluence on C hristian _10. culture and c iv iliz a t io n. In order to handle the Jewish problem, G entiles must meet fir e with Jews that f i r e and use the same ru th less ta c tic s w ith the the Jews use w ith G en tiles. _11. The Jewish d is t r ic t s In most c i t i e s are r e su lts of the clannishness and stic k -to g eth er n e ss of Jews. _12. Jews may have moral standards that they apply in th eir dealing with each oth er, but with C hristians they are unscrupulous, r u th le ss, and undependable. 15* On the whole, the Jews have probably contributed le s s to American l i f e than any other group. _lj+. One thing that has.hindered the Jews from e sta b lish in g th eir own nation i s the fa ct th at they r e a lly have no culture of th eir own; in stead, they tend to copy the things that are important to the native c it iz e n s of whatever country they are in. _15«A step toward so lv in g the Jewish problem would be to prevent Jews from g e ttin g in to superior, p rofitab le p ositio n s so c ie ty, for a while at le a s t, 16. The true C hristian can never forgive the Jews for th eir c ru cifix io n of C hrist. _17. Jews go too far in hiding th eir Jewishness, e sp e c ia lly such extremes as changing names, straightening noses, and im itatin g C hristian manners and customs. -R7- in

103 It i s not wise for a C hristian to be seen too much with Jews, as he might be taken for a Jew, or be looked down upon by h is Chris Wan fr ie n d s When Jews create large funds for educational or s c ie n t if ic research (Rosenwald, H eller, e t c.) i t is mainly a desire for fame and public n otice rather than a r e a lly sincere s c i e n t if i c I n te r e s t, 20. There is something d iffe r e n t and strange about Jews; one never knows what they are thinking or Planning, nor what makes, them t ic k. 21. The Jewish problem i s so general and deep that one often doubts that democratic methods can ever 3olve it. 22. A major fa u lt of the Jews is th e ir co n c eit, overbearing pride, and th e ir idea that they are a chosen race. 2$. One of the f i r s t steps to be taken in cleaning up the movies and gen erally improving the situ a tio n in Hollywood i s to put an end to Jewish domination th ere.. 2k» There i3 little hope of correcting the racial defects of the Jews, since these defects are simply in their blood. 25# One big trouble with Jews is that they are never contented, but always try for the best jobs and the most money. 26. The trouble w ith le t t in g Jews in to a nice neighborhood i s that they gradually give i t a ty p ic a l Jewish atmosphere. 27. It is wrong for Jews and Gentiles to intermarry One trouble with Jewish business men i s that they s tic k together and connive, so that a G entile doesn't have a fa ir chance in com petition. 29. No matter how Americanized, a Jew may seem to be, there is always something b a s ic a lly Jewish underneath, a lo y a lty to Jewry and a manner that i s never t o t a lly changed. 30. Jewish m illio n a ir e s may do a certa in amount to help th eir own people, but l i t t l e of th eir money goes into worthwhile American cau ses, 31. Most h o tels should deny admittance to Jews, as a general r u le. 32. The Jew's f i r s t lo y a lty i s to Jewry rather than to h is country. '33. i t i s b est that Jews should have th e ir own fr a te r n itie s and s o r o r itie s, since they have th eir own particu lar in te r e sts and a c t i v i t ie s which they can best engage in togeth er, just as C hristians get.along b est in a ll-c h r istia n f r a t e r n i t i e s. 3^1 Jev/ish power and control in money matters is far out of proportion to the number of Jews in the to ta l population. 35. Jewish leaders should encourage Jews to be more inconspicuous, to keep out of p rofessions and a c t iv it ie s already over-crowded w ith Jews, and to keep out of the public n o tic e. I can hardly imagine myself marrying a Jew. The Jews should give up th eir un-c hristian r e lig io n with a l l i t s strange customs (kosher d ie t, sp ecia l h olid ays, e t c.) and p a rticip a te a c tiv e ly and sin cerely in the C hristian r e lig io n. There is l i t t l e doubt that Jewish pressure i s largely responsible for the U.S. g e ttin g in to the war w ith Germany. The Jews keep too much to them selves, instead of taking the proper in te r e st in community problems and good government. Jews seom to have an aversion to plain hard work; they tend to be a p a r a sitic element in so c ie ty by finding easy, nonproductive jobs.