Computationele grammatica

Transcription

1 Computationele grammatica Docent: Paola Monachesi Contents First Last Prev Next

2 Contents 1 Unbounded dependency constructions (UDCs) Some data Filler-gap constructions Traces The Complement Extraction Lexical Rule Tough Constructions Contents First Last Prev Next

3 1. Unbounded dependency constructions (UDCs)

4 1. Unbounded dependency constructions (UDCs) The cooccurrence restrictions analyzed so far are all quite local, since they involve limitations on what can occur together as elements of a single clause.

5 1. Unbounded dependency constructions (UDCs) The cooccurrence restrictions analyzed so far are all quite local, since they involve limitations on what can occur together as elements of a single clause. This locality has been extended slightly in the analysis of raising since the cooccurence restructions of one verb are transmitted to the higher verb.

6 1. Unbounded dependency constructions (UDCs) The cooccurrence restrictions analyzed so far are all quite local, since they involve limitations on what can occur together as elements of a single clause. This locality has been extended slightly in the analysis of raising since the cooccurence restructions of one verb are transmitted to the higher verb. New class of constructions in which the locality of cooccurence restrictions appears to be violated in a more radical way.

7 1. Unbounded dependency constructions (UDCs) The cooccurrence restrictions analyzed so far are all quite local, since they involve limitations on what can occur together as elements of a single clause. This locality has been extended slightly in the analysis of raising since the cooccurence restructions of one verb are transmitted to the higher verb. New class of constructions in which the locality of cooccurence restrictions appears to be violated in a more radical way. Two elements appear far from one another in a sentence, despite the existence of a syntactic dependency between them. Contents First Last Prev Next

8 2. Some data

9 2. Some data Why are the following examples ungrammatical? (1) *They gave to the man. (2) *They gave the book. (3) * You have talked to (4) * The men discovered Contents First Last Prev Next

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11 Why are the following examples grammatical? (5) What did they give to the man? (6) To whom did they give the book? (7) Whom have you talked to? (8) What did the men discover? Contents First Last Prev Next

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13 Why are the following examples grammatical? (9) The book which they gave to the man... (10) The man that they gave the book to... (11) The man who you have talked to... (12) The planet that the men discovered... Contents First Last Prev Next

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15 Why are the following examples grammatical? (13) That book, they gave to the man. (14) The man, they gave the book to. (15) That man, you have talked to. (16) A new planet, the men have discovered. Contents First Last Prev Next

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17 In the examples above, there is a dependency between an extra phrase or filler at the beginning of a clause and a gap somewhere within the clause.

18 In the examples above, there is a dependency between an extra phrase or filler at the beginning of a clause and a gap somewhere within the clause. Elements which cannot normally be missing from a clause are allowed to be missing if there is an appropriate filler in the right place.

19 In the examples above, there is a dependency between an extra phrase or filler at the beginning of a clause and a gap somewhere within the clause. Elements which cannot normally be missing from a clause are allowed to be missing if there is an appropriate filler in the right place. If there is a filler there must be a gap.

20 In the examples above, there is a dependency between an extra phrase or filler at the beginning of a clause and a gap somewhere within the clause. Elements which cannot normally be missing from a clause are allowed to be missing if there is an appropriate filler in the right place. If there is a filler there must be a gap. The filler can be separated from the gap by extra clauses. Contents First Last Prev Next

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22 In English, the class of UDCs, includes the following phenomena: (17) a. Kim 1, Sandy loves 1. (topicalization)

23 In English, the class of UDCs, includes the following phenomena: (17) a. Kim 1, Sandy loves 1. (topicalization) b. I wonder [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-question)

24 In English, the class of UDCs, includes the following phenomena: (17) a. Kim 1, Sandy loves 1. (topicalization) b. I wonder [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-question) c. This is the politician [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-rel. clause)

25 In English, the class of UDCs, includes the following phenomena: (17) a. Kim 1, Sandy loves 1. (topicalization) b. I wonder [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-question) c. This is the politician [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-rel. clause) d. It s Kim [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (it-cleft)

26 In English, the class of UDCs, includes the following phenomena: (17) a. Kim 1, Sandy loves 1. (topicalization) b. I wonder [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-question) c. This is the politician [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-rel. clause) d. It s Kim [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (it-cleft) e. [ What 1 Kim loves 1 ] is Sandy. (pseudocleft)

27 In English, the class of UDCs, includes the following phenomena: (17) a. Kim 1, Sandy loves 1. (topicalization) b. I wonder [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-question) c. This is the politician [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-rel. clause) d. It s Kim [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (it-cleft) e. [ What 1 Kim loves 1 ] is Sandy. (pseudocleft) (18) a. I bought it 1 for Sandy to eat 1. (purpose infinitive)

28 In English, the class of UDCs, includes the following phenomena: (17) a. Kim 1, Sandy loves 1. (topicalization) b. I wonder [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-question) c. This is the politician [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-rel. clause) d. It s Kim [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (it-cleft) e. [ What 1 Kim loves 1 ] is Sandy. (pseudocleft) (18) a. I bought it 1 for Sandy to eat 1. (purpose infinitive) b. Sandy 1 is hard to love 1. (tough movement)

29 In English, the class of UDCs, includes the following phenomena: (17) a. Kim 1, Sandy loves 1. (topicalization) b. I wonder [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-question) c. This is the politician [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-rel. clause) d. It s Kim [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (it-cleft) e. [ What 1 Kim loves 1 ] is Sandy. (pseudocleft) (18) a. I bought it 1 for Sandy to eat 1. (purpose infinitive) b. Sandy 1 is hard to love 1. (tough movement) c. This is the politician 1 [ Sandy loves 1 ]. (relative clause)

30 In English, the class of UDCs, includes the following phenomena: (17) a. Kim 1, Sandy loves 1. (topicalization) b. I wonder [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-question) c. This is the politician [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (wh-rel. clause) d. It s Kim [ who 1 Sandy loves 1 ]. (it-cleft) e. [ What 1 Kim loves 1 ] is Sandy. (pseudocleft) (18) a. I bought it 1 for Sandy to eat 1. (purpose infinitive) b. Sandy 1 is hard to love 1. (tough movement) c. This is the politician 1 [ Sandy loves 1 ]. (relative clause) d. It s Kim 1 [ Sandy loves 1 ]. (it-cleft) Contents First Last Prev Next

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32 The examples in (1) are considered filler-gap constructions or strong UDC, while the examples in (2) are classified as weak UDC. Contents First Last Prev Next

33 UDCs are characterized by the fact that:

34 UDCs are characterized by the fact that: The relevant dependency may extend across arbitrarily many clause boundaries.

35 UDCs are characterized by the fact that: The relevant dependency may extend across arbitrarily many clause boundaries. The filler and the gap should be of the same syntactic category.

36 UDCs are characterized by the fact that: The relevant dependency may extend across arbitrarily many clause boundaries. The filler and the gap should be of the same syntactic category. (19) a. Kim 1, Dana believes Chris knows Sandy trusts 1

37 UDCs are characterized by the fact that: The relevant dependency may extend across arbitrarily many clause boundaries. The filler and the gap should be of the same syntactic category. (19) a. Kim 1, Dana believes Chris knows Sandy trusts 1 b. [ On Kim 1 ], Dana believes Chris knows Sandy depends 1

38 UDCs are characterized by the fact that: The relevant dependency may extend across arbitrarily many clause boundaries. The filler and the gap should be of the same syntactic category. (19) a. Kim 1, Dana believes Chris knows Sandy trusts 1 b. [ On Kim 1 ], Dana believes Chris knows Sandy depends 1 c. * [ On Kim 1 ], Dana believes Chris knows Sandy trusts 1

39 UDCs are characterized by the fact that: The relevant dependency may extend across arbitrarily many clause boundaries. The filler and the gap should be of the same syntactic category. (19) a. Kim 1, Dana believes Chris knows Sandy trusts 1 b. [ On Kim 1 ], Dana believes Chris knows Sandy depends 1 c. * [ On Kim 1 ], Dana believes Chris knows Sandy trusts 1 Given the nonlocal character of these constructions, they are accounted for by means of nonlocal features. Contents First Last Prev Next

40 SLASH (set of local structures)

41 SLASH REL (set of local structures) (set of ref indices)

42 SLASH REL QUE (set of local structures) (set of ref indices) (set of npros)

43 SLASH REL QUE (set of local structures) (set of ref indices) (set of npros) Contents First Last Prev Next

44 3. Filler-gap constructions

45 3. Filler-gap constructions A UDC can be described as divided in three parts: a bottom, a middle and a top.

46 3. Filler-gap constructions A UDC can be described as divided in three parts: a bottom, a middle and a top. The bottom is where the dependency is introduced.

47 3. Filler-gap constructions A UDC can be described as divided in three parts: a bottom, a middle and a top. The bottom is where the dependency is introduced. The middle is where it is successively passed from daughter to mother.

48 3. Filler-gap constructions A UDC can be described as divided in three parts: a bottom, a middle and a top. The bottom is where the dependency is introduced. The middle is where it is successively passed from daughter to mother. The top is where the dependency is discharged.

49 3. Filler-gap constructions A UDC can be described as divided in three parts: a bottom, a middle and a top. The bottom is where the dependency is introduced. The middle is where it is successively passed from daughter to mother. The top is where the dependency is discharged. In the analysis presented in P&S94 the dependency is introduced by means of a trace.

50 3. Filler-gap constructions A UDC can be described as divided in three parts: a bottom, a middle and a top. The bottom is where the dependency is introduced. The middle is where it is successively passed from daughter to mother. The top is where the dependency is discharged. In the analysis presented in P&S94 the dependency is introduced by means of a trace. In the revisions presented in ch. 9 a traceless analysis is proposed. Contents First Last Prev Next

51 S ] [ NP LOCAL 1 [ S SLASH { 1 } ] Kim NP [ { } ] VP SLASH 1 we V [ { } ] S SLASH 1 know NP [ { } ] VP SLASH 1 Sandy V NP hates Contents First Last Prev Next

52 4. Traces PHON SYNSEM LOCAL 1 NONLOCAL SLASH { 1 } QUE { } REL { }

53 4. Traces PHON SYNSEM LOCAL 1 NONLOCAL SLASH { 1 } QUE { } REL { } A trace is a special lexical item with a quite impoverished structure.

54 4. Traces PHON SYNSEM LOCAL 1 NONLOCAL SLASH { 1 } QUE { } REL { } A trace is a special lexical item with a quite impoverished structure. If a trace occurs as complement of some head, it will structure share the local features which are specified for that complement by the head.

55 4. Traces PHON LOCAL 1 { } SLASH 1 SYNSEM { } NONLOCAL QUE { } REL A trace is a special lexical item with a quite impoverished structure. If a trace occurs as complement of some head, it will structure share the local features which are specified for that complement by the head. The general assumption is that traces have a detactable psycholinguistic reality. The comprehension of a filler-gap sentence is complete only when a trace Contents First Last Prev Next

56 is processed and identified with the filler.

57 is processed and identified with the filler. Study by Pickering and Barry (1991) that tries to prove the non existence of traces in filler-gap constructions. (20) Which box did you put the cake in?

58 is processed and identified with the filler. Study by Pickering and Barry (1991) that tries to prove the non existence of traces in filler-gap constructions. (20) Which box did you put the cake in? (21) Which box did you put the very large and beautifully decorated wedding cake bought from the expensive bakery in?

59 is processed and identified with the filler. Study by Pickering and Barry (1991) that tries to prove the non existence of traces in filler-gap constructions. (20) Which box did you put the cake in? (21) Which box did you put the very large and beautifully decorated wedding cake bought from the expensive bakery in? (22) In which box did you put the very large and beautifully decorated wedding cake bought from the expensive bakery?

60 is processed and identified with the filler. Study by Pickering and Barry (1991) that tries to prove the non existence of traces in filler-gap constructions. (20) Which box did you put the cake in? (21) Which box did you put the very large and beautifully decorated wedding cake bought from the expensive bakery in? (22) In which box did you put the very large and beautifully decorated wedding cake bought from the expensive bakery? Comprehension is complete not when a trace position is found, but reather when an appropriate lexial element is processed (i.e., the verbal head whose complement is associated with the filler). Contents First Last Prev Next

61 5. The Complement Extraction Lexical Rule

62 5. The Complement Extraction Lexical Rule The extraction of complements is accounted for by means of a lexical rule. The dependency is introduced without the use of traces. (23) Complement Extraction Lexical Rule (CELR) [ ] COMPS..., 3 LOC 1,... INHER SLASH 2 ARG-S..., 3,... Contents First Last Prev Next

63 COMPS... { } INHER SLASH 1 2 [ { } ] ARG-S..., 4 LOC 1, INHER SLASH 1,...

64 COMPS... { } INHER SLASH 1 2 [ { } ] ARG-S..., 4 LOC 1, INHER SLASH 1,... The middle of the dependency is where the information associated with the INHER SLASH feature is passed up to the mother.

65 COMPS... { } INHER SLASH 1 2 [ { } ] ARG-S..., 4 LOC 1, INHER SLASH 1,... The middle of the dependency is where the information associated with the INHER SLASH feature is passed up to the mother. The percolation of this feature is regulated by the Nonlocal Feature Principle:

66 COMPS... { } INHER SLASH 1 2 [ { } ] ARG-S..., 4 LOC 1, INHER SLASH 1,... The middle of the dependency is where the information associated with the INHER SLASH feature is passed up to the mother. The percolation of this feature is regulated by the Nonlocal Feature Principle: (24) Nonlocal Feature Principle (NFP) For each nonlocal feature, the INHERITED value on the mother is the union of the INHERITED values on the daughters minus the TO-BIND value on the head daughter. Contents First Last Prev Next

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68 The TO-BIND feature is used to prevent the percolation of the SLASH feature once its value has been identified with the local features of an appropriate filler. Contents First Last Prev Next

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70 (25) Structure of nonlocal nonlocal SLASH INHER REL QUE SLASH TO-BIND REL QUE (set of local structures) (set of ref indices) (set of npros) (set of local structures) (set of ref indices) (set of npros)

71 (25) Structure of nonlocal nonlocal SLASH INHER REL QUE SLASH TO-BIND REL QUE (set of local structures) (set of ref indices) (set of npros) (set of local structures) (set of ref indices) (set of npros) The dependency is bound off by the head-filler schema. Contents First Last Prev Next

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73 (26) Head-filler schema hd-spr-ph NH-DTR SS [ LOC 1 ] HD-DTR SS LOC CAT HEAD [ verb VFORM fin ] SUBJ COMPS NONLC INHER [ SLASH { 1 } ] TO-BIND [ SLASH { 1 } ] Contents First Last Prev Next

74 [ { } ] S INH SLASH [ ] { } NP LOCAL 1 S INH SLASH 1 { } Kim TO-BD SLASH 1 NP [ { } ] VP INH SLASH 1 we V [ { S INH SLASH 1 know } ] NP [ { } ] VP Contents INH SLASH First Last 1 Prev Next Sandy

75 6. Tough Constructions (27) I 1 (nom) am easy to please 1 (acc)

76 6. Tough Constructions (27) I 1 (nom) am easy to please 1 (acc) This is an example of weak UDC. There is no filler corresponding to the trace, but a constituent in an argument position which is coindexed with the trace.

77 6. Tough Constructions (27) I 1 (nom) am easy to please 1 (acc) This is an example of weak UDC. There is no filler corresponding to the trace, but a constituent in an argument position which is coindexed with the trace. The trace and the coindexed subject need not have the same case

78 6. Tough Constructions (27) I 1 (nom) am easy to please 1 (acc) This is an example of weak UDC. There is no filler corresponding to the trace, but a constituent in an argument position which is coindexed with the trace. The trace and the coindexed subject need not have the same case The bottom and middle of the dependency are treated as in strong UDC, but the top differs. (28) Easy Contents First Last Prev Next

79 HEAD LOC CAT

80 HEAD adjective LOC CAT

81 HEAD adjective SUBJ LOC CAT

82 HEAD adjective SUBJ NP 1 LOC CAT COMPS

83 HEAD adjective SUBJ NP 1 LOC CAT ( [ COMPS PP for] ), VP

84 HEAD adjective SUBJ NP 1 LOC CAT ( [ COMPS PP for] ) [, VP inf,

85 HEAD adjective SUBJ NP 1 LOC CAT ( [ COMPS PP for] ) [ { [ ] } ], VP inf, INHER SLASH 2 NP acc :ppro 1,...

86 HEAD adjective SUBJ NP 1 LOC CAT ( [ COMPS PP for] ) [ { [ ] } ], VP inf, INHER SLASH 2 NP acc :ppro 1,... NONLOCAL TO-BIND SLASH

87 LOC CAT HEAD adjective SUBJ NP 1 COMPS ( PP [ for] ), VP [ inf, INHER SLASH { 2 NP [ acc ] :ppro 1,... } ] NONLOCAL TO-BIND SLASH { 2 }

88 HEAD adjective SUBJ NP 1 LOC CAT ( [ COMPS PP for] ) [ { [ ] } ], VP inf, INHER SLASH 2 NP acc :ppro 1,... { } NONLOCAL TO-BIND SLASH 2 The sign for the tough adjective specifies the link between the subject and the INHER SLASH value.

89 HEAD adjective SUBJ NP 1 LOC CAT ( [ COMPS PP for] ) [ { [ ] } ], VP inf, INHER SLASH 2 NP acc :ppro 1,... { } NONLOCAL TO-BIND SLASH 2 The sign for the tough adjective specifies the link between the subject and the INHER SLASH value. The structure sharing between the tough adjective TO-BIND SLASH value and the INHER SLASH value on the VP complement prevents the propagation of the SLASH value once it has been bound. Contents First Last Prev Next

90 S [ ] VP SUBJ 3 I V am AP SUBJ 3 { } INH SLASH 3 NP 1 [ { } ] A SUBJ 3 NP 1 { } VP inf, INH SLASH 2 1 TO-BD SLASH 2 NP Contents V First [ Last Prev Next { } ] easy VP INH SLASH 2