larger scale human cooperation

Transcription

1 largerscalehumancooperation anddonot culturalevolutionaryprocesses

2 normpsychology Speciesdifferences: Scaleandintensitydifferences: Domaindifferences: Rapidintensification: Noncooperativeandmaladaptivesociality:

3 mismatchhypotheses 1 Prior work has referred to these mismatch hypotheses descriptively (not snarkily) as big mistake hypotheses (Fehr and Henrich 2003; Boyd and Richerson 2002; Henrich and Henrich 2007). We adopt mismatch here in deference to terminology used by proponents of this point of view.

4 thesethreefeatures these mechanismsalone ancientsocialpsychology tribalpsychology bcr givensomesimplifyingassumptions relatedness r=.5r=.25,r=.125

5 r thatcompetitionisglobal closerkinr less almostnever all more

6 =0 is approachingzero goestozeroevenfaster. broad largerscalecooperation, 2 Large-scale cooperation does not mean lots of cooperation in different dyads. Large-scale cooperation involves large groups cooperating, in for example, joint projects (armies, recycling, paying taxes, giving blood, etc.), not just the concurrent existence of many cooperating dyads.

7 reputation

8 cooperative irrelevant r r 3 Note that relatedness measures the genetic similarity between two individuals relative to the population average. Negative relatedness values imply that two individuals are less similar to each other than they are, on average, to a randomly selected member of their species (Grafen 1985).

9 4 As far as evolution is concerned, sparing someone when you could profit by exploiting them is just as much a cooperative act as providing them with costly aid, thus these are all examples of cooperation-relevant interactions with strangers.

10 Table1 Wordsfor secret infoursmallscalesocieties 6 Group Hadza Ju(!Kung) Tsimane Machiguenga 5 Much work in evolutionary psychology is based on the assumption that extra-pair copulations (adultery) and copulations with different males in relatively short periods of time were not only possible, but a serious factor in the lives of our foraging ancestors (Buss 2007). If true, secrets and anonymity (like about paternity) were indeed possible, and individuals could avoid reputational damage and revenge while engaging in clandestine activities. We think this fits well with ethnography, but not with the assumptions of some mismatch hypotheses. That is, mismatch assumptions about ancestral environments conflicts with much work by those studying mating psychology. 6 Thanks to Frank Marlowe, Glenn Sheppard, Mike Gurven, and Polly Weissner for this information, and to Rob Boyd for suggesting this approach.

11 learningstrategies culturalvariant content context Modelbiasedtransmission

12 Conformistbiasedtransmission context content ceterisparibus de novo 7 A lively debate persists on the evolutionary foundations of conformist transmission (e.g., Nakahashi 2007; Wakano and Aoki 2007; Guzman, Rodriguez-Sickert, and Rowthorn 2007).

13 immediately immediately socialnorms multiple stableequilibria Box1: Gametheoretic evolutionarymodelling tableequilibria equilibriumselection,

14 equilibriumselection culturalgroupselection can 8 Recent theoretical work by Lehman et. al. (2008; 2008; 2007) has sought to challenge some of these theoretical conclusions. Their models, however, make quite different assumptions (which are buried deep in the mathematics) about the (1) strength of cultural learning relative to the forces of mixing among group and (2) presence of multiple stable equilibria. Their efforts are not critiques but rather alternative hypotheses based on empirically difficult-tosupport assumptions about human cultural transmission and social norms (Boyd, Richerson, and Henrich forthcoming). 9 Note that this does not imply that groups are internally homogenous; equilibria can be polymorphic: stable mixes of different behaviours, where an increase in the frequency of any behavioural strategy makes the alternatives more advantageous. For example, consider a market in which everyone is selling peanut better. In such an environment, a jelly-seller will do well until there are too many jelly-sellers, and not enough peanut butter sellers.

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16 withinasingleisolatedgroup

17 normpsychology: stable feelsright not feel rationally highly 10 Is this strong reciprocity? The term strong reciprocity emerged in the late 1990 s as a label for a set of social motivations that were implied by a large body of empirical findings mostly emerging from experimental economics laboratories. Some efforts were made to develop evolutionary theories to explain the origins of these motivations (Gintis 2000; Fehr, Fischbacher, and Gächter 2002). It s important to differentiate the empirical finding (and their implied proximate motivations) from efforts at evolutionary explanations (which are not strong reciprocity ). Our approach begins with culture-gene coevolution theory and derives predictions. These predictions regarding normspsychology can account for the patterns associated with strong reciprocity, as empirical phenomena, but also go well beyond them by seating such patterns in the context of both cultural and genetic evolution.

18 Humanshouldpossesscognitivemechanismsthatscaffoldtheacquisitionofnorms. Becauseculturalgroupselectionhasselectivelyfavouredmostlyprosocialnormsovertensof thousandsofyears,ourcognitiveintuitionsshouldincludeprosocialdefaultcontentandrelated learningbiases. Humansshouldreadilyacquirecostlysocialnormsviaculturallearning. Bothadheringtosocialnormsandpunishingnormviolatorsshouldbeintrinsicallyorinternally rewarding.

19 Onceinternalised,normadherenceshouldbeautomaticsuchthatnormviolationsrequireacognitive override. Speciesdifferences: mismatchhypotheses Scaleandintensitydifferences: Domaindifferences:

20 Rapidintensification: Noncooperativeandmaladaptivesociality:

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